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Wednesday, October 08, 2014

The Lasting Benefits Of A Revolution


The impending Madhesi Revolution has to have lasting benefits. There are immediate goals. But there are also long term goals. The most important long term is to create a political party that completely uproots the UML and the Congress from all 20 Terai districts. That kind of organization has to emerge.

This political party will be based on the idea of (1) total internal democracy, and (2) complete financial transparency.

This political party will spend 10 years trying to achieve equality inside Nepal. If it fails, it will then work towards achieving independence through a referendum.

Global Post: Nepal charges political activist with treason
Business Standard: Madhesi activist charged with sedition in Nepal
Zee News: Nepal charges political activist with treason: Lawyer










२००६ मा मानव अधिकार राजाले प्रदान गरिबक्सेको हो?

२००६ मा मानव अधिकार राजाले प्रदान गरेको हो भने अहिले आत्म अधिकार सहितको संघीयता बामदेव, केपी र सुशीलले प्रदान गर्ने नगर्ने कुरा आउँछ। तर मानव अधिकार राजाले दिने कुरा होइन। आत्म अधिकार सहितको संघीयता भनेको त्यस्तै हो। वामदेवले आफुलाई यसरी फुर्क्याउनु भएन। अधिकार भनेको स्थापना हुने कुरा हो, कसैको कृपाबाट पाइने कुरा होइन। 


CK Raut: The Legal Process Could Last Weeks, Months

English: Image of Kamal Thapa
English: Image of Kamal Thapa (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
English: Top leaders of Nepali Congress –spoke...
English: Top leaders of Nepali Congress –spokesperson Arjun Narsingh KC, vice presidents Prakash Man Singh and Ram Chandra Paudel and acting president Sushil Koirala—during the Central Working Committee meeting held at its central office in Sanepa, Lalitpur on Wednesday, September 15, 2010. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
U.S. Supreme Court building.
U.S. Supreme Court building. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
The legal process could last weeks. The hearings in the Special Court could last weeks. The government lawyer will make his case. CK Raut's lawyers will defend. This could go on for weeks. Then the court will decide. Right now it looks like the Special Court will decide against CK.

Then the case will be appealed in the Supreme Court. There it might go on for weeks. Let's hope if things go that far the Supreme Court makes the right decision, otherwise the country will not see a political movement, I see uncontrolled riots across the Madhesh. That would be deeply unfortunate.

During this entire process the government at any point could decide to withdraw its case. Sushil Koirala as the person leading the government is directly responsible. He and he alone is responsible. As the person heading the government, he is responsible for Bamdev Gautam's acts and attitudes. There is no escaping responsibility.

There is a strong case as to why CK Raut's arrest is illegal and he should be released.

  • If the right to self determination were illegal and wrong, CK Raut would not have been invited to speak for it in the national parliament. The fact that he was invited shows the topic is a relevant and contemporary and legitimate topic in national politics that the national parliament is actively considering incorporating in the new constitution. 
  • Talking about a provision in the future constitution is also free speech. Just like talking about turning Nepal a Hindu nation is covered by free speech. Just because Nepal still might be secular in its next constitution does not make it illegal to talk about Nepal as a Hindu nation. 
  • Right to self determination is what CK stands for. That is not sedition. That is federalism. That is free speech. 
  • CK Raut has always espoused non-violence. His heroes are Buddha, Gandhi, and Mandela. 
  • The fact that the police and state harassment has come this far, and the judiciary in the country has become part and parcel of it goes on to show the judiciary in Nepal is not a just judiciary, but a judiciary like the judiciary of the apartheid upholding South Africa that also had judges and courts, but that routinely called freedom fighters criminals and sentenced them to jail. The Home Minister, the cabinet, the Nepal Police, the court in persecuting Raut have proven they are indeed an occupying force of Madhes like Raut claims, and not the democratic representatives of either the Madhesi people or the Nepali people at large. 
  • In persecuting Raut, the state apparatus, the Home Minister, the courts, the police have gone on to prove the point that a villain like Kamal Thapa talking about a Hindu nation is free speech, Prachanda and Baburam talking about a federalism with the right to self determination is free speech, but CK Raut talking about the right to self determination is sedition. 
The political angle of this case is as follows. 
  • It is no longer possible for any political party to not take a public stand on the right to self determination. 
  • If the Congress and the UML do not stand for a federalism with the right to self determination, they should say so. 
  • And if they are saying so, are they saying federalism is still federalism when the right to self determination does not exist?
  • Are they saying that if the right to self determination is inscribed in the new constitution then the people of Madhesh will break away from the country? That the only thing holding them back is that the old constitutions have not had the right to self determination?
  • Are the Congress and the UML saying that if the right to self determination is put in the constitution, and the Madhesh state parliaments decide to put the issue to a referendum, that the people of Madhesh will choose to break away? Is that what they are saying?
  • CK Raut has always maintained the first goal is achieving equality in Nepal. If that is not achieved breaking away to form a separate country is going to be the only option. Are the Congress and the UML saying that they will maintain the current state of inequality, and that they will do all they can to suppress the Madhesis every way they can? If not, why do they fear the Madhesi sentiment? 
  • Does the sovereignty rest with the people? Or does the sovereignty rest with Bamdev Gautam, KP Oli and Sushil Koirala? If the sovereignty rests with the people, why do Bamdev Gautam, KP Oli and Sushil Koirala think the Madhesi people can not have the right to self determination? Do the Madhesi people need permission from Bamdev Gautam, KP Oli and Sushil Koirala before they can have the right to self determination? Or is that their birth right? Just like the right to free speech and all other human rights?
  • Are Bamdev Gautam, KP Oli and Sushil Koirala aware that the right to self determination is part of the universal human rights? Or are they not aware? 
  • The movement to restore human rights in Nepal happened in 2006. Did Bamdev Gautam, KP Oli and Sushil Koirala sit that one out? 

केपी ओलीको जायज चुनौती



केपी ओलीले प्रचण्डलाई चुनौती दिएको खबर आएको छ। चुनौती के भन्दा कांग्रेस र एमालेले संविधानका बारेमा अगाडि सारेको प्रस्तावको विरुद्ध आन्दोलन गर्छु भनेर घुर्की लाउनुभन्दा प्रचण्डको नेतृत्वमा रहेको २० भन्दा बढ़ी पार्टीको गठबन्धनले आफ्नो साझा प्रस्ताव पेश गर्न सक्नु पर्यो। कुरा सही हो। सबै मधेसी पार्टीको साझा अडान के त? मधेसी पार्टीहरु र एमाओवादीको साझा अडान के त? कति वटा राज्य? त्यसको सीमाना के कस्तो?

तर कॉमरेड केपीले के पनि हेर्नु पर्यो भन्दा कांग्रेस र एमालेको पनि साझा अडान छैन। एमालेले ७ राज्य भन्दै छ, कांग्रेसले ९ राज्य भन्दै छ। आखिर सत्तामा रहेका दुई पार्टीको साझा अडान के हो? अहिलेसम्म बाहिर आएको छैन।

सत्ता पक्षको एउटा दस्तावेज, विपक्षीको अर्को दस्तावेज आउनुपर्यो। अहिले दुवै पक्ष मिलाएर १० वटा भिन्न भिन्न किसिमका प्रपोजलहरु बाहिर छन।



मधेसी पार्टीहरुले झापादेखि कंचनपुरसम्म एक मधेश, प्रदेश चाहिं दुई हुन सक्ने भन्ने सामुहिक अडान लिनुपर्यो र एमाओवादीले त्यसलाई मान्नु पर्यो। एमाओवादीले आत्म अधिकार सहितको संघीयताको प्रस्ताव आधिकारिक बनाउनु पर्यो। त्यो उसको २० साल पुरानो अडान हो। अहिले आएर उम्किन पाउँदैन। मधेसी पार्टीहरुले त्यसलाई अनुमोदन गर्नुपर्यो। किनभने आत्म अधिकार बिनाको संघीयता भनेको निर्दलीय प्रजातन्त्र जस्तो हो।

कामरेड केपी, पृथ्वी नारायणको पालाको बाइसे चौबीसे राज्य खड़ा गर्ने प्रयास कसैको छैन, बरु तपाइँ २०४७ को बाहुनवादी संविधान र पँचायत कालको ५ विनास क्षेत्र सबैमाथि लादन खोजिरहनु भएको छ।



संविधान निर्माणको सबैभन्दा ठुलो बाधा (elephant in the room) सीकेको गैर कानुनी हिरासत हो। प्रधान मंत्री देखि लिएर बाबुराम, प्रचण्ड, रामचन्द्र, कृष्ण सिटौला, आए बहादुर, गए बहादुर सबैले समात्नु हुँदैनथयो, छोड्नु पर्छ भन्दा भन्दै पनि सीके राउत नछुट्नु, के हो यो? भित्र भित्र बाट सरकार कमल थापाले चलाएको हो? सुर्य बहादुरले एक ताका भनेको भुमिगत गिरोह फेरि ब्युंतेको हो? कि वामदेव त्यो भुमिगत गिरोहको नया सुपर डॉन हो? कसैलाई नटेर्ने?


Police Brutality Towards Madhesi Journalists

The Government Of Nepal Has The Option To Release CK Raut Anytime

The Prime Minister does not need the Home Minister's permission. He could simply issue an executive order. And just because CK Raut has been taken to court a few times does not change anything. The state has the option to release CK Raut.

The ball is in the Prime Minister's court more than that of anyone else. After all CK Raut was arrested after his arrest was discussed and finalized in a cabinet meeting. This was an initiative at the highest level.

आन्दोलनको अब विकल्प रहेन

यो सरकारले (१) सीके राउतलाई आजीवन कारावासको सजाय सिफारिस गरेको छ र (२) कांग्रेस र एमालेले मधेश राज्यहरुबाट झापा, मोरंग, चितवन, कैलाली र कन्चनपुर चोर्ने सिफारिस गरेका छन, कोशी, गण्डकी र कर्णालीमाथि पहाडीहरुको १००% स्वामित्व जताउने षड्यंत्र गरेका छन। आन्दोलनको अब विकल्प रहेन।

नेपालको राजनीतिक इतिहासको सबैभन्दा ठुलो महाभारतको जग निर्माण भएको छ। समानताबिनाको नेपाली नागरिकता मधेसी समुदायले स्वीकार नगर्ने निर्णय गर्ने बेला आएको छ। देशले यस्तो ठुलो आन्दोलन कहिले देखेकै छैन। त्यो बेला आएको छ। पहाड़ी पुलिसले कैद गरेको वयक्तिलाई पहाड़ी अदालतले न्याय दिने कुरा शायद हुँदैन।

  • सीके राउतको निशर्त र तुरन्त रिहाई। 
  • आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार सहितको संघीयता। 
  • एक मधेस दो प्रदेश। झापादेखि कैलालीपुरसम्म। 

  • एक जना पनि शहीद भएमा गृह मंत्रीको राजीनामा अथवा बर्खास्तगी। 
  • १० जनाभन्दा बढ़ी शहीद भएमा प्रधान मंत्रीको राजीनामा। 
यस क्रान्तिले एउटा मधेश स्वराज पार्टीको निर्माण गर्नेछ। यस पार्टीमा पुर्ण आन्तरिक लोकतन्त्र रहनेछ। सीके राउतलाई संस्थापक अध्यक्ष मनिनेछ। यस पार्टीले १० वर्ष नेपालमा समानताकालागि संघर्ष गर्ने छ। त्यसपछि समानता प्राप्ति नभएमा अलग देशकालागि जनमत संग्रहको बाटो अख्तियार गर्ने छ। 


Tuesday, October 07, 2014

एक मधेश एक प्रदेशको विकल्प

एक मधेश एक प्रदेशको विकल्प एक मधेस दो प्रदेश हो, आधा मधेस पाँच प्रदेश होइन। झापा, मोरंग, चितवन, कैलाली र कन्चनपुरलाई मधेशबाट झ्याप पार्ने षड्यंत्र भइराखेको छ। त्यो मधेशको आधा भूभाग झ्याप पार्ने षड्यंत्र हो। त्यो स्वीकार्य कुरा होइन।

बसाई सराइको क्रममा ती जिल्लामा मधेसीको तुलनामा पर्वतेहरुको संख्या ५० प्रतिशतसम्म पुगेको छ। त्यो सरकारी आंकड़ा हो। सेंससमा पनि भेदभाव हुने गरेको शिकायत त आफ्नो ठाउँमा छँदैछ। मधेशको कुनै जिल्लामा पर्वतेहरु ५०% पुग्दैमा त्यो जिल्लालाई मधेशबाट टुक्राउने सोंच राष्ट्रबादी सोंच होइन।

मधेशमा दुइ प्रदेश स्थापना भए दुबैमा मधेसी मुख्य मंत्री भैराख्ने "डर" हो भने सुर्खेत, मकवानपुर र उदयपुरलाई पनि मधेशका दुइ राज्यहरुमा मिसाउने हो।

पहाडका जनजातिलाई जातीय राज्य दिन्नम भन्ने, तराईका मधेसीलाई भौगोलिक राज्य दिन्नम भन्ने, पहाडका जनजातिलाई राज्यहरुको संख्या घटाऊ भन्ने, तराईका मधेसीलाई राज्यहरुको संख्या बढ़ाऊ भन्ने --- यो संघीयता नै नचाहनेहरुको बात विचार हो।

समग्र मधेश दो प्रदेशकालागि आन्दोलन गर्नुपर्ने हुनसक्छ।


संघीयताको मुद्दामा काँग्रेसको बेइमानी

कोशी, गण्डकी, कर्णाली तीन वटै नदी पुर्ण रुपले आफ्नो अधीनमा राख्ने पहाडी प्रपन्च हो यो। यस अवधारणाप्रति काँग्रेसका मधेसी सभासदहरुले के कस्तो सोंचेका छन् त्यो बाहिर आउनु जरुरी छ। झापा, मोरंग, चितवन, कैलाली र कन्चनपुरलाई तराईबाट उछिटयाएर लाने यस षड्यन्त्रको विरोध हुनु जरुरी छ। यो संघीयताको नाममा डकैती हुन लागेको हो।



कांग्रेस नौ प्रदेशसम्म जान तयार
'सुदूरपश्चिम र सुदूरपूर्वलाई उत्तर दक्षिण बनाएर बीचको भागलाई मधेसमा चार, चितवनलाई केन्द्र प्रदेशमा राखेर नौ प्रदेशसम्म जान सकिन्छ भन्ने हाम्रो धारणा हो' ......... एमाओवादीले १० प्रदेशको अवधारणा अघि सारेका बेला कांग्रेसले नौ प्रदेशसम्म जान सकिने अवधारणा ल्याएको हो। कांग्रेसले राज्य पुनर्संरचनाको आधार भने जातीय नभई पहिचान र सामथ्र्य हुनुपर्ने पुरानै अडान अघि सारेको छ। ..... तीन तहको व्यवस्थापिका केन्द्रीय सभा, प्रदेश सभा र नगरपालिका तथा गाउँ सभाको संरचना हुनुपर्ने निष्कर्ष निकालेको छ। जसअनुसार केन्द्रीय सभा दुई सदनात्मक व्यवस्थापिका (राष्ट्रियसभा र प्रतिनिधिसभा) रहने उल्लेख छ। कांग्रेस प्रस्तावमा केन्द्रीय प्रतिनिधिसभामा एक सय ५० भन्दा बढी सदस्यीय हुन नहुने उल्लेख छ। प्रतिनिधिसभाको निर्वाचन प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणालीबाटै हुनुपर्ने धारणा कांग्रेसले तय गरेको छ। 'प्रतिनिधिसभा र राष्ट्रियसभाको संख्या तीन सय नाघ्न हुँदैन भन्ने छलफलमा आएको छ' ..... संसद्बाट निर्वाचित कार्यकारी प्रधानमन्त्री र राष्ट्रियसभा, प्रतिनिधिसभा र प्रदेशसभाका सदस्यको मतदानबाट निर्वाचित संवैधानिक राष्ट्रपति

Monday, October 06, 2014

Super Don वामदेव

एमालेको राजनीतिक बैठकहरु बल्खुबाट Five Star होटलहरुमा सार्ने वामदेव एउटा प्रवृति हो। वामदेवको "राष्ट्रियता" माफियातंत्र हो। उसले जुन पार्टी चलाएको छ त्यसको नाम नेकपा (माफियावादी) हो। नेपालको राजनीतिमा नेकपा (माफियावादी) बाट जत्रो ठुलो खतरा अरु कतैबाट छैन। यो देशलाई सर्वनाशतिर लाने प्रबृति हो। वामदेवको विरोध बाहुनवादको विरोध होइन, त्यो त आफ्नो ठाउँमा छँदैछ। वामदेवको विरोध माफियावादको विरोध हो। सबैलाई चेतना भया। वामदेवलाई पुर्ण रुपले पराजित नगरेसम्म देशको कल्याण छैन। वामदेवलाई कमल थापाको साइजमा पुर्याउनु नेपालको राजनीतिको प्रथम जिम्मेवारी हो। किनभने नेपालको नया कमल थापा भनेको वामदेव नै हो। देशको गृह मंत्रालय वामदेवलाई सुम्पनु भनेको वामदेवलाई पशुपतिको पुजारी बनाउनु जत्तिकै घिनलाग्दो कुरा हो। "राष्ट्रियता" भनेको वामदेवकोलागि आफ्नो कुकर्म लुकाउने धुँवा बाहेक केही पनि होइन। सबैलाई चेतना भया।

वामदेव बाँदर हो

वामदेव बाँदर हो, त्यो मान्छे त हुँदै होइन। 


Saturday, October 04, 2014

The Right To Self Determination, The Right To Divorce

Nepal topography. The green/yellow zones hold ...
Nepal topography. The green/yellow zones hold the Inner Terai valleys. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
The right to self determination in a federal setup is the right of a state to break away from the country to form an independent country should the people say so in a referendum on the topic.

That right to self determination is like the right to divorce in a marriage. You can't argue that every country, every society that has laws allowing divorce (I don't know any where that is not the case, enlighten me please) has lead to massive family breakdowns.

That right to divorce is essential. It is a right. You can't force someone to stay in a marriage they don't want to stay in.

In the case of Nepal, my reading of the situation is the people of Madhesh are nowhere close to wanting a separate country. No party in parliament is for it. That should tell you as to where public opinion stands. I don't think that means it is a happy marriage. But it is a marriage that can be worked out. But that does not mean the right to self determination should not be there.

Federalism without the right to self determination is like partyless democracy. It is an oxymoron.

CK Raut has articulated racism against Madhesis in Nepal better than any Madhesi leader in history. And his stand - which I agree with - is should that discrimination persist, Madhesh should break away from Nepal. So far it has been an abusive marriage. That abuse has to stop.

The roadmap for CK as I see it is, first ensure a constitution for Nepal where there is the right to self determination, and where all of Terai is maybe two states. Form a political party in the process. Attempt to get that party to be the majority party in those two Terai states. Once you get there, organize a referendum on the topic. Try to win it. And there you go. That is the roadmap. It is nonviolent. It is democratic. It is at least a decade long process. But that decade should be enough to create a Nepal where the Madhesis have proportional representation in the entire state apparatus. That would make divorce unnecessary.

No party in Nepal's parliament wants to break up Nepal. But that does not mean they have the option to not put the right to self determination in the constitution. But they do have the option to not let CK Raut win majorities in the Terai states, and you do that by serving the people better, more honestly. And should there ever be a referendum, they will have the option to campaign against the breakup. That will be a further exercise in democracy. Because Nepal is a democracy where the sovereignty rests with the people. If the people are sovereign, as they are, they only stay part of Nepal because they choose to do so.

India Skipped Landlines

English: Mobile phone evolution Русский: Эволю...
English: Mobile phone evolution Русский: Эволюция мобильных телефонов (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Not long back, your average Indian did not have a phone number. Today most Indians have mobile phones. They did not go from no phone, to a landline to a mobile phone. They seem to have skipped the landline.

Nepal is writing a new constitution. And because it is writing a constitution in 2014, and not 1950 or 1777, this constitution should be cutting edge. It should be an attempt to build a better democracy than anywhere else. We might fail in that attempt. We might end up not creating something better than anywhere else. But we should try. One easy way is by not making obvious mistakes.

I talk of partyless democracy as a concept, because politicians in Nepal understand the concept. The current political class in Nepal fought against that concept for decades. They know in their bones what that is.

This new constitution should be designed in a way that the Nepali diaspora is not a loss to the country, because right now it is. Messing up the concept of dual citizenship is a very bad sign. And it is not too late to rectify.

The idea should be to rope in the entire Nepali diaspora. Most Nepalis in the diaspora are still Nepali citizens. There should be a provision to help them vote online in Nepal's national elections. Some Nepalis have become citizens of other countries. This is a tiny minority. Make it possible for them to have dual citizenship. Their Nepali citizenship should be a full citizenship. Why not? That is a brain gain idea. Nepal could use more brains, especially Nepali brains who might know a thing or two about Nepal, who might be emotionally attached to the country.

The right to self determination is a similar thing. That has to be an integral part of Nepal's federalism. That is not a tool for breaking up the country. I don't think so. That would strengthen the country. That would lead to power devolution to the state and local levels and make for a much more efficient government. That would be a good thing.

The entire debate on federalism has been about the map and the names of states. The real debate should be about power devolution. In the new Nepal how much power will the states have? How much power will the local governments have?

A good formula would be that one third of the central government budget should be handed directly to the state governments in proportion to their populations. And one third of a state's budget should be handed directly to the districts in a similar formula. And one third of the district budget should be handed over to towns and villages and cities in direct proportion to a village/town/city's population.

This formula would be simple, fair, and right. It would lead to meaningful power devolution.