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Saturday, May 16, 2026

16: Jay Sah

Operation Sindoor was as much a narrative war as a military operation, American military expert John Spencer tells Firstpost

Operation Sindoor has become a case study in modern warfare, where narrative battles, integrated systems, and information dominance proved as decisive as battlefield strikes

............... One year later, New Delhi maintains that while the kinetic phase may be paused, the doctrine behind the operation continues. .......... “Unfortunately, we live in an algorithm-driven world where some countries, like Pakistan and others, invest heavily in that social media influencing narrative warfare capability,” he said. “Western media picks it up because they want to get out there with their first message.” ........... India attempted to counter those narratives through daily briefings and satellite imagery showing the impact of its strikes, but the first wave of online messaging had already gained traction. ............. Spencer described Operation Sindoor as

a “generational change” in India’s strategic doctrine

. ............. He contrasted India’s response with its handling of the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks. “If you just look at the response after the Mumbai attacks to this response, it’s night and day,” Spencer noted. ................. “India established the ability to penetrate Pakistan’s air defenses,” he said. “India demonstrated military dominance and ended with Pakistan calling for a ceasefire.” ............... India’s ability to strike radar systems and suppress air defences opened the way for deeper precision attacks. ............. “India’s early success at hitting one of the Pakistani air radars was critical,” he said. “Pakistan is a Chinese-equipped military, which was a test of all of this. India’s investments in joint capabilities were shown to be dominant.” ............... on whether integrated systems mattered more than fighter jets, Spencer replied: “1000%. ................... Saroya also asked whether the ceasefire was driven primarily by battlefield pressure rather than diplomacy. Spencer said military realities forced Pakistan to seek a pause in fighting. ................ “The facts are that Pakistan sought a ceasefire because of the dominance that India was showing,” he said. “The battlefield effects of India on Pakistan led to Pakistan asking for a ceasefire.” ............... Spencer said future conflicts would increasingly be shaped by networks, systems and information dominance as much as by battlefield victories. .............. “This is a new strategic doctrine — diplomatically, militarily, informationally, even economically,” he said. “Sindoor was paused because Pakistan asked for it. But the message is that enough is enough with terrorism, and there will be accountability for it.”

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Friday, May 15, 2026

15: Iran

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The World’s Most Popular Politician

The world’s most popular politician


By Erik Solheim

Published in Norwegian newspaper, Dagens Næringsliv
on May 13th 2026

Western leaders have much to learn from Narendra Modi’s consistent focus on the environment.

On Monday 18 May, the world’s most popular politician will visit Norway. India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be received by King Harald, promote Indian business, meet with the Indian diaspora and attend an India-Nordic prime ministers’ meeting.

The Nordic prime ministers should listen carefully. They have a lot to learn from their Indian counterpart.

Whilst Nordic prime ministers barely enjoy a domestic approval rating of 30 per cent, Modi stands at around 70 per cent in the polls. No leader in any major country is nearly as popular at home as Modi.

Modi has been in power in India for more than twelve years. Should he choose to stand again, all the signs suggest he will be re-elected. A distant dream for European leaders. His success can be attributed to rapid economic development, a winning ideology, the world’s strongest political party and his own life story.

Modi’s background is almost unique in a world where almost all heads of state come from the upper middle class. Modi’s parents owned three stalls where they sold tea at the railway station in Vadnagar, a tiny provincial town that hardly any Indians have heard of.

He has no one to thank for his career but himself – and the Hindu nationalist movement. He is an Indian Einar Gerhardsen – self-taught, an organiser as the most famous Norwegian prime minister in history.

He is fortunate to be leading a rapidly developing India, and he himself is a strong driving force behind that growth. The Indian economy is currently growing at seven per cent, faster than China’s and far outpacing any other major economy.

Growth is uneven, and there is a wide gap between the richest and poorest states in India. India lacks the highly educated workforce that China has. There is still too much bureaucracy, and India has not managed to develop any major export industry for the global market. But at current growth rates, India’s economy will quadruple by 2050. India will then be the world’s second-largest economy, rivalling the US.

I have travelled to almost every state in India and see signs of development everywhere – new, modern airports; better roads leading to the most remote corners of the country; the world’s largest solar park under construction in Gujarat; and the world’s largest solar-wind-hydro power plant in Andhra Pradesh.

Modi is the garantier of green growth. India is now the world’s third-largest producer of solar and wind energy; no one should be surprised if they overtake the US and take second place. Last year, coal emissions in India fell for the first time.

Western leaders can learn a great deal from Modi’s consistent green message. I attend many conferences where Modi is the keynote speaker. Modi almost never talks about global climate negotiations or emissions. He asks no one to make sacrifices for the environment. The message is that India can lift 1.5 billion people out of poverty through green growth. There is no longer a choice between the economy and the environment.

Even if secular parties were to win the next election, India’s ideology will remain Hindu nationalism. Hindu nationalism is India’s answer to the question that all non-Western countries have faced since the Industrial Revolution. How to modernise without becoming like the West?

Japan was the first to untangle that knot – becoming ultra-modern, yet remaining deeply Japanese. Korea is now richer than Japan and a major exporter of Korean culture and music. China anchors its modernity in its own roots – in Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism.

The BJP is currently the world’s largest political party, with over 100 million members.

The party has dedicated activists in every single constituency across northern and central India. The party has achieved something truly unique and unprecedented in India: the BJP enjoys the same level of support amongst high-caste, low-caste and untouchable communities. It has the support of both India’s billionaires and tribal peoples in the country’s remotest corners.

Among Western analysts, it has become something of a pastime to find fault with the BJP. The critics are right in saying that the BJP stands for the unification of Hindus. But there is little evidence to suggest that there have been more conflicts between Muslims and Hindus under the BJP. There was more violence and more pogroms when the Congress Party was in power. Millions of Muslims are crossing into India from neighbouring countries; hardly any Muslims are fleeing the other way.

But the BJP’s insistence that Islam and Christianity are foreign religions, and that Muslim invasions in the Middle Ages and British colonialism can be equated, creates a sense of insecurity among many Muslims. Many of the BJP’s proposals are common sense – such as the idea that there should not be a separate marriage law under which Muslim men can divorce more easily than other men. But in the emergence of a new, strong India rooted in Hindu dharma, the real test will be whether the BJP can also find room to include the world’s largest minority: the two hundred million Muslims in India.

India is the only large, poor former British colony to have chosen a democratic model. This is not down to the British. If it were to their credit, as they often claim, surely Pakistan, Myanmar and the Gulf monarchies would also be democracies? India is democratic because democracy is deeply rooted in Indian culture and tradition.

In a world where Norway needs new allies for a rules-based international order and Norwegian business needs new horizons, we have much to gain from closer ties with India. But this requires us to be willing to listen, not just to lecture. Then countless win- win opportunities could open up.


संसारको सबैभन्दा लोकप्रिय राजनीतिज्ञ

एरिक सोलहाइम
(नर्वेको पत्रिका Dagens Næringsliv मा १३ मे २०२६ मा प्रकाशित)

पश्चिमी नेताहरूले नरेन्द्र मोदीको वातावरणप्रतिको निरन्तर ध्यानबाट धेरै कुरा सिक्न सक्छन्।  

सोमबार १८ मेमा संसारको सबैभन्दा लोकप्रिय राजनीतिज्ञ नर्वे भ्रमणमा आउँदैछन्। भारतका प्रधानमन्त्री नरेन्द्र मोदीलाई राजा हाराल्डले स्वागत गर्नेछन्, भारतीय व्यापारको प्रवर्द्धन गर्नेछन्, भारतीय प्रवासी समुदायसँग भेट्नेछन्, र भारत–नर्डिक प्रधानमन्त्रीहरूको बैठकमा सहभागी हुनेछन्।

नर्डिक देशका प्रधानमन्त्रीहरूले ध्यानपूर्वक सुन्नुपर्छ। उनीहरूले आफ्नो भारतीय समकक्षबाट धेरै कुरा सिक्न सक्छन्।

जहाँ नर्डिक प्रधानमन्त्रीहरूको घरेलु लोकप्रियता दर मुश्किलले ३० प्रतिशतसम्म पुग्छ, मोदीको लोकप्रियता सर्वेक्षणमा करिब ७० प्रतिशत छ। कुनै पनि ठूलो देशमा मोदी जति आफ्नै देशभित्र लोकप्रिय अर्को नेता छैन।

मोदी भारतमा बाह्र वर्षभन्दा बढी समयदेखि सत्तामा छन्। यदि उनी फेरि उम्मेदवार बने भने, सबै संकेतले उनी पुनः निर्वाचित हुने सम्भावना देखाउँछन्। यो युरोपेली नेताहरूका लागि टाढाको सपना जस्तै हो।

उनको सफलताको कारण तीव्र आर्थिक विकास, जित्ने खालको विचारधारा, संसारकै सबैभन्दा शक्तिशाली राजनीतिक पार्टी, र उनको आफ्नै जीवनकथा हो।

मोदीको पृष्ठभूमि यस्तो संसारमा लगभग अद्वितीय छ जहाँ प्रायः सबै राष्ट्रप्रमुखहरू उच्च मध्यम वर्गबाट आएका हुन्छन्। मोदीका आमाबुबाका वडनगरको रेलवे स्टेशनमा चिया बेच्ने तीनवटा साना स्टल थिए। वडनगर एउटा सानो प्रान्तीय सहर हो जसको नाम धेरै भारतीयले पनि सुनेका छैनन्।

उनले आफ्नो करियरका लागि आफू बाहेक अरू कसैलाई धन्यवाद दिनु पर्दैन—र हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी आन्दोलनलाई।

उनी भारतका “आइनार गेर्हार्डसेन” जस्तै हुन्—आफैंले सिकेका, संगठक, र नर्वेको इतिहासकै सबैभन्दा प्रसिद्ध प्रधानमन्त्रीजस्तै।

उनी छिटो विकास हुँदै गरेको भारतको नेतृत्व गरिरहेका छन्, र त्यो विकासको बलियो प्रेरक शक्ति पनि उनी स्वयं हुन्। अहिले भारतीय अर्थतन्त्र ७ प्रतिशत दरले बढिरहेको छ, जुन चीनभन्दा पनि छिटो हो र अन्य कुनै पनि ठूलो अर्थतन्त्रभन्दा धेरै अगाडि छ।

विकास असमान छ, र भारतका धनी तथा गरिब राज्यहरूबीच ठूलो अन्तर छ। भारतसँग चीनजस्तो उच्च शिक्षित जनशक्ति पर्याप्त छैन। अझै पनि अत्यधिक नौकरशाही छ, र भारतले विश्व बजारका लागि कुनै ठूलो निर्यात उद्योग विकास गर्न सकेको छैन। तर अहिलेको विकासदर कायम रह्यो भने २०५० सम्म भारतको अर्थतन्त्र चार गुणा हुनेछ। त्यसपछि भारत संसारको दोस्रो ठूलो अर्थतन्त्र हुनेछ र अमेरिकासँग प्रतिस्पर्धा गर्नेछ।

मैले भारतका प्रायः सबै राज्यहरू यात्रा गरेको छु र सबै ठाउँमा विकासका संकेत देख्छु—नयाँ, आधुनिक विमानस्थलहरू; देशका दुर्गम कुनासम्म पुग्ने राम्रो सडकहरू; गुजरातमा निर्माणाधीन संसारकै सबैभन्दा ठूलो सौर्य पार्क; र आन्ध्र प्रदेशमा संसारकै सबैभन्दा ठूलो सौर्य–हावा–जलविद्युत संयन्त्र।

मोदी हरित विकासका ग्यारेन्टर हुन्। भारत अहिले सौर्य र पवन ऊर्जाको उत्पादनमा संसारकै तेस्रो ठूलो देश हो; उनीहरूले अमेरिकालाई उछिनेर दोस्रो स्थान लिन सक्ने सम्भावना देखेर कसैले अचम्म मान्नु पर्दैन। गत वर्ष भारतमा कोइला उत्सर्जन पहिलो पटक घटेको थियो।

पश्चिमी नेताहरूले मोदीको निरन्तर हरित सन्देशबाट धेरै कुरा सिक्न सक्छन्। म धेरै सम्मेलनहरूमा सहभागी हुन्छु जहाँ मोदी प्रमुख वक्ता हुन्छन्। मोदीले प्रायः कहिल्यै विश्व जलवायु वार्ता वा उत्सर्जनका विषयमा बोल्दैनन्। उनी कसैलाई वातावरणका लागि त्याग गर्न आग्रह गर्दैनन्। उनको सन्देश यस्तो हुन्छ: हरित विकासमार्फत भारतले १.५ अर्ब मानिसलाई गरिबीबाट बाहिर निकाल्न सक्छ। अब अर्थतन्त्र र वातावरणबीच छनोट गर्ने बाध्यता छैन।

यदि धर्मनिरपेक्ष दलहरूले अर्को चुनाव जिते पनि, भारतको विचारधारा हिन्दू राष्ट्रवाद नै रहनेछ। हिन्दू राष्ट्रवाद भारतले औद्योगिक क्रान्तिपछि सबै गैर-पश्चिमी देशहरूले सामना गरेको प्रश्नको उत्तर हो: पश्चिमजस्तो नबनी कसरी आधुनिक बन्ने?

जापान पहिलो देश थियो जसले त्यो गाँठो फुकायो—अत्यन्त आधुनिक बन्यो तर गहिरो रूपमा जापानी नै रह्यो। कोरिया अहिले जापानभन्दा धनी छ र कोरियाली संस्कृति र संगीतको ठूलो निर्यातकर्ता बनिसकेको छ। चीनले आफ्नो आधुनिकतालाई आफ्नै जरा—कन्फ्युसियनवाद, ताओवाद र बौद्ध धर्म—मा आधारित बनाएको छ।

बीजेपी अहिले संसारकै सबैभन्दा ठूलो राजनीतिक पार्टी हो, जसका १० करोडभन्दा बढी सदस्य छन्। पार्टीसँग उत्तर र मध्य भारतका हरेक निर्वाचन क्षेत्रमा समर्पित कार्यकर्ता छन्। पार्टीले भारतमा साँच्चिकै अनौठो र अभूतपूर्व कुरा हासिल गरेको छ: बीजेपीलाई उच्च जाति, निम्न जाति र दलित समुदायमा लगभग समान समर्थन प्राप्त छ। यसलाई भारतका अर्बपतिहरू र देशका दुर्गम कुनाका आदिवासी समुदायहरूले पनि समर्थन गर्छन्।

पश्चिमी विश्लेषकहरूमा बीजेपीको आलोचना गर्नु एक प्रकारको मनोरञ्जन जस्तै बनिसकेको छ। आलोचकहरू सही छन् कि बीजेपी हिन्दू एकताको पक्षमा उभिन्छ। तर बीजेपी शासनमा आएपछि मुस्लिम र हिन्दूबीच द्वन्द्व बढेको स्पष्ट प्रमाण कम छ। कांग्रेस पार्टी सत्तामा हुँदा अझ बढी हिंसा र दंगा (पोग्रोम) भएका थिए। लाखौँ मुस्लिमहरू छिमेकी देशबाट भारतमा प्रवेश गरिरहेका छन्; लगभग कुनै मुस्लिम भारतबाट बाहिर भागिरहेका छैनन्।

तर बीजेपीले इस्लाम र ख्रीष्टियन धर्मलाई “विदेशी धर्म” भनेर जोड दिनु, र मध्ययुगीन मुस्लिम आक्रमण र ब्रिटिश उपनिवेशवादलाई एउटै रूपमा तुलना गर्नु, धेरै मुस्लिमहरूमा असुरक्षाको भावना पैदा गर्छ।

बीजेपीका धेरै प्रस्तावहरू सामान्य बुद्धिको कुरा हुन्—जस्तै मुस्लिम पुरुषहरूले अरू पुरुषभन्दा सजिलै सम्बन्ध विच्छेद गर्न पाउने छुट दिने छुट्टै विवाह कानून हुनु हुँदैन भन्ने विचार। तर हिन्दू धर्ममा आधारित नयाँ, शक्तिशाली भारत उदाउँदै गर्दा, वास्तविक परीक्षा यही हुनेछ: के बीजेपीले संसारकै सबैभन्दा ठूलो अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय—भारतका २० करोड मुस्लिमहरू—लाई पनि समेट्ने ठाउँ बनाउन सक्छ?

भारत एकमात्र ठूलो, गरिब, पूर्व ब्रिटिश उपनिवेश हो जसले लोकतान्त्रिक मोडेल रोजेको छ। यो ब्रिटिशहरूको देन होइन। यदि त्यो उनीहरूको श्रेय हुने हो भने, उनीहरूले जस्तै पाकिस्तान, म्यानमार र खाडीका राजतन्त्रहरू पनि लोकतन्त्र हुन्थे।

भारत लोकतान्त्रिक छ किनभने लोकतन्त्र भारतीय संस्कृति र परम्परामा गहिरो रूपमा जरा गाडेको छ।

आजको संसारमा नर्वेलाई नियममा आधारित अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय व्यवस्थाका लागि नयाँ मित्रहरू चाहिन्छ, र नर्वेजियन व्यवसायलाई नयाँ अवसरहरू। भारतसँग नजिक सम्बन्धबाट हामीले धेरै फाइदा लिन सक्छौँ। तर यसको लागि हामीले उपदेश मात्र दिने होइन, सुन्न पनि तयार हुनुपर्छ। त्यसो गरियो भने अनगिन्ती “win-win” अवसरहरू खुल्न सक्छन्।




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Monday, May 11, 2026

Reforms For India: Viksit Bharat Dream


Summary of the video: "Shaktikanta Das Reveals Big Reform Roadmap For India’s Viksit Bharat Dream" (Business Today, CII Annual Business Summit 2026).
The video features a speech by Shaktikanta Das (former RBI Governor and Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister) at the CII Annual Business Summit 2026. He discusses India's economic vision for Viksit Bharat (Developed India) by 2047, focusing on next-generation reforms amid global challenges. Key Points from the Speech:
  • Global Context and Challenges: The world faces ongoing turbulence — slower growth (IMF projects ~3.1% in 2026, potentially lower), inflation risks, geopolitical conflicts (e.g., Ukraine, West Asia), supply chain fragmentation, tariffs, and energy crises. Uncertainties are the "new normal."
  • India's Resilience and Performance: India stands out as a stable, fast-growing major economy with ~7%+ average annual GDP growth in recent years (2022-23 to 2025-26). This growth is built on macroeconomic stability (controlled inflation, prudent fiscal policy, strong banking system, domestic demand) rather than debt or loose finances.
  • Strengths Highlighted:
    • Shift toward capital expenditure and infrastructure spending.
    • Healthier banking sector with repaired balance sheets, lower NPAs, better capital adequacy, and sustainable credit growth.
    • Corporate deleveraging, stronger balance sheets, and improved governance.
  • Historical Perspective: India once accounted for ~25% of global GDP pre-colonization (e.g., 22.5% in 1600 vs. Britain's 1.8%). The goal for 2047 is to reclaim economic leadership through enterprise, technology, and inclusive growth, not nostalgia.
  • Reform Focus: Emphasis on reforms spanning industry/business, social inclusiveness, state-level improvements, global trade, and people-centric policies. The speech stresses partnership between government, regulators, industry (via platforms like CII), and stakeholders to navigate global flux and seize domestic opportunities.
The address is optimistic about India's trajectory, positioning it as a pillar of global growth and stability. It includes data on economic metrics (shared in footnotes for the audience) and calls for collective action toward long-term resilience, innovation, and competitiveness.
The video is primarily the speech (with an introduction), running in a formal summit setting. It highlights policy continuity, stability, and a reform roadmap aligned with India's development ambitions.



India's 2047 economic roadmap centers on the "Viksit Bharat" (Developed India) vision, aiming to transform the country into a developed, high-income nation by the centenary of its independence. This builds on post-1991 reforms, recent infrastructure push, digital public infrastructure (like Aadhaar and UPI), and macroeconomic stability. Core Economic Targets
  • GDP: Commonly targeted at $30 trillion (nominal) by 2047, with some projections ranging up to $34–40 trillion. India is currently around $4+ trillion (as of recent years, on track toward $5 trillion soon).
  • Per capita income: Aiming for $15,000–$20,000+ (high-income territory), up from current levels around $2,500–$2,700.
  • Growth requirement: Sustained real GDP growth of roughly 7–8%+ annually (often cited as 7.8% average per World Bank analysis) over the next two decades. This is ambitious but builds on recent ~7% averages and requires accelerating from historical trends.

Achieving this would make India one of the world's top economies (likely #3 or higher) with a focus on inclusive, sustainable growth rather than just size.Key Pillars and StrategiesThe vision is multifaceted, often framed around four pillars (Youth/Yuva, Poor/Garib, Women/Mahilayen, Farmers/Annadata) and broader themes like empowered citizens, thriving economy, innovation/tech, governance, and global role.
  • Manufacturing and "Make in India"/Aatmanirbhar Bharat: Shift toward becoming a global manufacturing hub, with emphasis on semiconductors, pharma, exports ($10 trillion target in some discussions), and reducing import dependence. MSMEs and sunrise sectors are critical.
  • Infrastructure and Investment: Massive capex push (physical: roads, rails, ports, airports, smart cities; digital: DPI expansion). Raise investment rate toward 40% of GDP. PM Gati Shakti for integrated planning.
  • Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) 2.0: Leverage Aadhaar, UPI, etc., for next-phase productivity gains in agriculture (data-driven), MSMEs (credit/market access), education/health (personalized), and AI integration. NITI Aayog's DPI@2047 roadmap stresses state-led, district-focused execution for non-linear, inclusive growth.
  • Services, Innovation, and R&D: Boost R&D spending, AI/tech leadership, skilling (Skill India, NEP 2020), and services exports. Transition toward innovation-led growth.
  • Agriculture and Inclusivity: Farmer empowerment, food processing, reducing vulnerabilities while raising productivity.
  • Green/Sustainable Growth and Energy: Energy security, renewables scale-up (hundreds of GW targets), net-zero alignment by 2070 alongside Viksit Bharat. NITI scenarios show compatibility.
  • Governance and Reforms: Ease of doing business, labor/land/capital market reforms, fiscal prudence, state-level convergence ("Team India"), anti-corruption, and regulatory efficiency. Avoid middle-income trap.
NITI Aayog leads visioning with approach papers, scenarios for Viksit Bharat + Net Zero, and sector roadmaps (AI, DPI, etc.). Implementation involves central schemes, state action, public-private partnerships, and citizen engagement (e.g., MyGov ideas platform). Challenges and Requirements (per Analyses like World Bank)
  • Reforms needed: Accelerate private investment, job creation (especially labor-intensive sectors and women’s participation), productivity growth, human capital (health/education), and state-level disparities.
  • Risks: Global headwinds, climate impacts, skill gaps, infrastructure bottlenecks, and ensuring equitable growth across regions/sections.
  • Enablers: Macro stability (low inflation, sound banking), export push, innovation ecosystems, and demographic dividend (via skilling and participation).
Outlook and RealismOptimistic projections (e.g., from PHDCCI, some private analyses) see strong momentum if reforms continue. The World Bank notes the 7.8% growth path is achievable with "accelerated reforms" but not guaranteed under business-as-usual. Recent resilience (post-pandemic recovery, infrastructure boom, digital scale) provides a solid base, as highlighted in forums like the CII Summit.
Viksit Bharat is not just an economic GDP target but a holistic vision for prosperity, sustainability, global leadership, and citizen well-being. Progress depends on sustained policy execution, private sector dynamism, and adaptive governance amid uncertainties. For deeper dives, refer to NITI Aayog documents or the World Bank Country Economic Memorandum.



NITI Aayog's DPI@2047 Roadmap ("DPI@2047 for Viksit Bharat: A Strategic Roadmap to Enable Non-linear Inclusive Socio-economic Growth") was launched in April 2026 by the NITI Frontier Tech Hub (in partnership with EkStep Foundation and Deloitte). It builds on India's successful DPI 1.0 (Aadhaar, UPI, Jan Dhan, etc.) to drive the next phase of digital transformation aligned with the Viksit Bharat
@2047
 vision of a ~$30 trillion economy. Shift from DPI 1.0 to DPI 2.0
  • DPI 1.0 focused on foundational inclusion, welfare delivery, financial access, and reducing leakages. It contributed ~1% to GDP (as of recent estimates) through non-linear growth via shared, open digital rails that enabled innovation (e.g., UPI's explosive adoption).
  • DPI 2.0 (2025–2035): Shifts to livelihood-led, productivity-driven growth. It targets structural bottlenecks for lower- and middle-income groups, empowering citizens, MSMEs, and farmers while building human capabilities. Aim: Unlock broader economic opportunity and higher productivity.
  • DPI 3.0 (2035–2047): Focuses on prosperity through grassroots innovation, high-value local economies, and sustained high-productivity growth.

DPI initiatives could contribute up to 4% of GDP by 2030 if scaled effectively. Eight High-Impact Sectoral Transformations (DPI 2.0 Focus)These address key bottlenecks in mass inclusion, human capabilities, and systemic enablers: Mass Inclusion at Scale (informal sectors, employment, business growth):
  1. Scaled Market Expansion for MSMEs — Market intelligence, linkages, simplified compliance.
  2. MSME Jobs Finding Local Talent — Digital visibility for low-cost, high-trust job matching.
  3. Improved Livelihoods for Smallholder Farmers — Advisory services, market linkages, credit; better yields, prices, and resilience.
Foundations of Human Capability: 4. Learner-Centric Education — Safe digital spaces, local-language materials, personalized/continuous learning (aligns with NEP 2020). 5. Universal Health Coverage — Protect families from health-related financial shocks.Systemic Enablers: 6. Access to Credit for a Billion Indians — Monetize assets for microcredit via data and alternative scoring. 7. Decentralized Energy Markets — Enable renewables for unmet/growing needs. 8. Benefits Finding Beneficiaries — Timely, leakage-free social protection delivery. Execution Strategy: Four Key ImperativesDPI as the foundational approach, supported by:
  1. Aggregate Demand via District Programs — Decentralized, hyper-local initiatives (districts as units) to create demand pipelines for tech solutions and build self-sustaining local economies.
  2. Scale Tech Entrepreneurship — Expand innovators, incubators, and suppliers to meet demand across sectors/districts.
  3. Leverage AI Momentum — Use AI (via DPI) for predictive intelligence, personalization, and solving complex problems; democratize access.
  4. Cross-Sector Strategic Unlocks:
    • Unlocking Data (insights and credential proofs, high-trust/low-cost).
    • Democratizing AI (remove language/digital barriers).
    • Enhancing Human Capacity (knowledge/expertise access).
    • Expanding Digital Transactions (open networks).
Implementation Model: State-led and decentralized execution, with GoI/NITI Aayog as catalysts. Collaborative 2-year iterative cycles. Initial focus (2026–27) on MSME and agriculture pilots in champion states, then scale. Emphasizes ecosystem collaboration, trust/privacy/interoperability, and global engagement (proposed neutral body). Key Principles and Lessons from DPI 1.0
  • Problem-first (not tech-first), citizen-centric, minimalist shared capabilities.
  • Multi-stakeholder value creation for adoption.
  • Combinatorial/non-linear ("hockey-stick") impact through open rails + ecosystem innovation.
  • Federal approach respecting diversity (states/districts lead with local context).
This roadmap positions DPI as a total factor productivity engine for resilience against global shocks, inclusive growth, and global leadership in public-purpose digital systems. It is not a rigid blueprint but a strategic direction emphasizing pilots, iteration, and collaboration.
For the full document, see the official PDF on the NITI Aayog website. Progress will hinge on state ownership, private innovation, and sustained execution starting with 2026–27 pilots.


India's semiconductor manufacturing policy is primarily driven by the India Semiconductor Mission (ISM) under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY). Launched in 2021 as part of the Semicon India Programme, it aims to build a self-reliant ecosystem—from design to fabrication, assembly, testing, packaging, and displays—positioning India as a global hub for electronics manufacturing and reducing import dependence. Core Objectives and Vision
  • Develop a vibrant semiconductor and display ecosystem aligned with Viksit Bharat
    @2047
    .
  • Attract investments, create high-skilled jobs, foster innovation (especially in design), and integrate into global supply chains.
  • Focus on strategic sectors: automotive, defense, telecom, AI/data centers, consumer electronics, and power electronics.
Total outlay for ISM 1.0: ₹76,000 crore ($10 billion). In the Union Budget 2026-27, ISM 2.0 was announced with an initial ₹1,000 crore allocation (part of broader support), emphasizing semiconductor equipment & materials, full-stack indigenous IP/design, supply chain resilience, R&D centers, and industry-led skilling. Key Incentive Schemes (Modified Semicon India Programme)Uniform up to 50% fiscal support (pari-passu basis) across schemes, with project-specific appraisal by the Expenditure Finance Committee:
  • Semiconductor Fabs (Silicon CMOS): Up to 50% of project cost for wafer fabrication (logic, memory, analog, power, etc.).
  • Display Fabs: Up to 50% for TFT-LCD/AMOLED/large-scale display manufacturing.
  • Compound Semiconductors / Silicon Photonics / Sensors / Discrete / ATMP/OSAT: 50% of capital expenditure for specialized fabs and advanced packaging/testing units.
  • Design Linked Incentive (DLI) Scheme: Financial incentives + design infrastructure support (EDA tools, MPW fabrication) for ICs, chipsets, SoCs, IP cores. Covers development and deployment over 5 years; has approved multiple design projects.

Additional enablers:
  • State-level incentives (capital subsidies, SGST exemptions, land/power/water subsidies, interest subventions) — often pushing combined support higher.
  • SEZ reforms (reduced land requirements, easier norms for semiconductor units).
  • Modernization of Semiconductor Laboratory (SCL) Mohali.
  • PLI for electronics/components and global partnerships (e.g., with US, Taiwan, Japan, EU).
Progress and Approved Projects (as of May 2026)
  • 12 projects approved across six+ states with cumulative investments of ₹1.64 trillion ($17–19 billion). Includes 1–2 full fabs, multiple OSAT/ATMP units, compound semiconductor, and display-related projects.
  • Commercial production milestones in 2026: Four plants (e.g., Micron ATMP in Gujarat started early 2026, Kaynes Semicon OSAT, others from CG Power, Tata) transitioning to full operations. Tata's major Dholera fab (with PSMC, Taiwan) targeted for 2028.
  • Key locations: Gujarat (Sanand, Dholera — emerging hub), Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, etc.
  • Early wins in advanced packaging (ATMP/OSAT), which is lower-capex and faster to operationalize than greenfield fabs.
ISM 2.0 and Longer-Term FocusShifts from foundational manufacturing capacity to deeper capabilities: equipment/materials production, indigenous IP, full-stack design, R&D, and resilient supply chains. Emphasis on AI-enabled chips, compound semiconductors (e.g., SiC for EVs/power), and ecosystem integration. Challenges and OutlookStrengths: Strong design talent pool (significant global share), policy continuity, improving infrastructure, and investor interest (Tata, Micron, Kaynes, Foxconn-HCL, etc.). First commercial outputs in 2026 mark a shift from policy to execution.
Challenges: High capex/water/power needs, technology access (reliance on partners like TSMC/PSMC), talent for advanced nodes, building a full ecosystem (suppliers, materials), and global competition/geopolitics.
Overall, India's policy offers competitive incentives (50% central + state support) and has moved rapidly from announcement to ground-breaking and initial production. It supports broader economic goals by enabling electronics self-reliance and high-value manufacturing. For the latest, check the official ISM website (ism.gov.in). Progress will depend on execution speed, incentive disbursements, and global demand alignment.







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