नेपाल भारत सम्बन्ध भविष्यमुखी हुनुपर्छ, साझा समृद्धि को नारा दिनुपर्छ।
मुख्य कुरा साझा समृद्धि हो।
मैलेआजीवन देखेको नेपालको नक्शामा चुच्चे नक्शा छैन। केही वर्ष अगाडि एक्कासी आइपुग्यो। लदाख मा चीन र भारतको लफड़ा भएको बेला त्यो कुरा एक्कासी झिक्नु मुनासिब थिएन। पाँच वर्ष पहिला झिक्न सकिन्थ्यो। पाँच वर्ष पछि झिक्न सकिन्थ्यो।
नेपाल पनि भारत पनि भारतवर्ष हो। महाभारत को युद्धमा नेपालका राजाहरु पनि सहभागी भएका। रामायण त छँदै छ प्रत्येक वर्ष विवाह पंचमी जो हुन्छ।
नेपाल भारत बीच जस्तो सम्बन्ध दुनियाँमा अरु कुनै देश बीच छैन। त्यसलाई साझा समृद्धि मा रूपान्तरित गर्न सक्नुपर्छ।
चुच्चे नक्शा को कुरा गरौं। मैले अध्ययन नगरेको विषय पर्यो। तर केही कुरा स्पष्ट छ। भारत स्वतंत्र हुँदा सीमाना जहाँ थियो त्यो नै सीमाना हो। सुगौली को सन्धिको दुहाइ दिन मिल्दैन। यो भारत र नेपाल को कुरा हो। बेलायतलाई यसमा मिसाउन मिल्दैन। चीनलाई पनि मिसाउन मिल्दैन। यस बारे बेलायत सँग कुरा गर्ने भनेको, चीनसँग कुरा गर्ने भनेको नेपाल ले आफुलाई हल्का बनाउने कुरा हो।
१९५० को संधिले पुराना सम्पुर्ण संधि खारेज भनेको छ।
संविधान संसोधन गरेर एकतरफा किसिमले चुच्चे नक्शा नेपालको आधिकारिक भनेर घोषणा गर्नु गलती थियो। त्यसले वार्ता को ढोका बंद गर्यो। तरिका त्यो होइन। आखिर युद्ध गर्ने भनेको त होइन केपी ओली ले। हो भने पहिला उसैको हातमा एउटा बन्दुक थमाई दिउँ।
वार्ता एक मात्र तरिका हो। त्यो ढोका ओली ले बंद गरेको हो।
भने पछि साझा समृद्धि टाटा बाई बाई?
मुख्य कुरा साझा समृद्धि हो। मुख्य कुरा भविष्य हो। विश्व शक्ति भारत। तेस्रो ठुलो अर्थतंत्र। दोस्रो ठुलो बन्छ कुन दिन। भारतका केही राज्य त जर्मनी, फ्रांस ब्रिटेन बनिसकेको अवस्था छ। नेपाली लाई विसा नचाहिने। बिना विसा जर्मनी, फ्रांस ब्रिटेन काम गर्न जान पाइने अवस्था बारे सोंचौं।
भारतले भन्न सक्छ पहिला संविधान संसोधन फिर्ता गर। अनि हुन्छ वार्ता। वार्ता भनेकै निष्कर्षमा सँगै पुग्ने, मिलेर पुग्ने भनेको। एक्लै ओली ले निष्कर्ष निकाल्दा वार्ता को ढोका ढयाप्प।
दुबै पक्षसँग कागजपत्र होला। भारतले नेपालको नेपालले भारतको। अझ चीनले नेपालको। जग्गा मिचेको अवस्था। चिनिया सेनाको आदत हो। यसो अलिकति गोलपोस्ट सारिदियो। सॅटॅलाइट मैपिंग गर्नुपर्छ उत्तर तिर।
चुच्चे नक्शाको मुख्य उद्देश्य सिंडिकेट चलाएर बसेका तीन गुंडा हरु को भ्रष्टाचार र डेलीवरी नदिने बानी बाट जनताको ध्यान अर्कै तिर तान्नु हो। त्यो बुझौं।
सीमाना विवाद पनि एउटा विषय हो। तर प्रमुख विषय होइन। प्रमुख विषय भविष्य हो। प्रमुख विषय साझा समृद्धि हो। एउटा सानो विषय सीमाना विवाद पनि हो। प्रमुख विषय होइन।
प्रत्येक विषय को निराकरण गर्ने तरिका वार्ता नै हो।
एउटा विशेष कुरा छ। बालेन लक्ष्मण। मोदी हनुमान। जब नेपालका प्रधान मंत्री भारतको प्रधान मंत्री सँग भेटछन त्यो लक्ष्मणजी र हनुमानजी को भेट हुनेछ।
रामायण र महाभारत आज जीवन्त भएको छ।
Nepal's New Regime and India Should Not Ignore the Core Bilateral Issues that Need Resolution Through Dialogue A stark reality of the India-Nepal relationship has been the incessant meddling of the former in politics and governance of the latter. .................... New Delhi’s foreign policy community of diplomats, scholars and think-tankers would be perplexed by the attitude of the newly-formed Kathmandu government of prime minister Balendra Shah. Given the longtime propensity of New Delhi to be overbearing and didactic towards Kathmandu, Shah’s cold shoulder, including the unwillingness to travel to New Delhi on an official visit, would have left heads spinning. ........... The RSP is the largest force in Parliament by far following the elections of March 5, and New Delhi seems to have decided to lay out the red carpet for its chairman, simply to have someone to talk to. ............... Lamichhane’s article in an Indian newspaper the day after he arrived from Kathmandu, which does not at all delve into core bilateral issues that need resolution through respectful dialogue. ........... the journey back from the blockade of 2015 is yet to begin. ........... There has been a steady erosion in the Nepal-India diplomatic ties over the decades, a contrast from the 1950s, when the prime ministers of the two countries were in a trusting relationship. Time has taken its toll, with Kathmandu greatly weakened vis-à-vis New Delhi, overwhelmed by heavyweight Indian diplomacy, intelligence-wallahs running amok
, and the latest intrusion in the form of Hindutva propelled by the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). ..................... Due to urbanisation and irrigation demands of the Ganga plain, there is a need to pond monsoonal water, hence the eye on Nepal’s deep valleys. Building high dams on the Kosi, Gandaki, Karnali and other rivers is New Delhi’s undisclosed top priority when it comes to Nepal. .......... Limpiyadhura: The face-off over the Limpiyadhura Triangle has taken bilateral relations to a never-before low. New Delhi refuses to talk on Kathmandu’s territorial claims on the Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiyadhura region based on the Sugauli Treaty of 1816 defining the Mahakali as a border river. ................. As for how to overcome this bilateral chasm, the way forward is suggested by New Delhi’s own claims on territories not in possession – the Aksai Chin and Azad Kashmir regions have remained on the official map of India for seven decades without New Delhi exercising control. Likewise, there is nothing to stop Kathmandu from maintaining its claim over the Limpiyadhura Triangle, remaining open to dialogue on the matter, while otherwise working to normalise ties. .............. EPG: In February 2016, the governments of Nepal and India together constituted the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) to update and strengthen bilateral ties by forging common understandings. Although the report was completed unanimously in July 2018 by respected intellectuals selected by the two governments, prime minister Narendra Modi was apparently persuaded that the whole exercise should be abandoned. ................ Agnipath Scheme: Although Nepalis have served in the British Army since 1818, the former Gurkha Brigade was split up by a tripartite agreement following Indian independence in 1947. The system of officially sanctioned foreign military recruitment persisted even as Nepal developed as a modern nation-state. Nepali citizens have fought under the Indian flag in conflicts involving China and Pakistan, as well as in counter-insurgency operations in Sri Lanka under the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). ............. The question arises: How can a member country of SAARC allow its citizens to raise arms on behalf of one neighbour against another? ............ Nepal’s attempts to develop independent links to China as the great neighbour to the north is invariably questioned by New Delhi’s Raisina Hill officialdom and allied think tanks. Historically, Nepal’s links to the Tibetan plateau are just as ‘special’ as it is to Ganga plain. Nepal’s economy was compelled to pivot southward due to colonial mercantilism in the early 1900s, but in these days of evolved transport and infrastructure, Kathmandu need no longer perceive itself as ‘India-locked’.
........................ Eyeing Beijing: New Delhi restricts the import of hydropower imports from Nepal if there is any ‘whiff’ of Chinese involvement in construction or financing. A Nepali airline with Chinese investment is denied access to airports in India, while two new international airports (Pokhara and Bhairahawa) are prevented from being connected to Indian cities because of Chinese involvement in their construction.
.................. What would Beijing be making of all this, also that New Delhi does not want Nepal to have anything to do with the Belt and Road Initiative? Kathmandu’s engagement with Beijing on commerce, tourism, infrastructure and development finance cannot be regarded as any kind of geopolitical ‘tilt’. Such an attitude only signals degraded geopolitical self-confidence in New Delhi. Given how closely India’s own economy is intermeshed with China’s, New Delhi interlocutors who insist on Nepal maintaining economic distance from China must reflect. .................. Migrant Labour: As far as Nepal’s economy is concerned, the New Delhi discourse tends to present Nepal as a weak neighbour, and the internalisation of this stereotype by Kathmandu polity has promoted a sense of inferiority. However, a study of commerce and remittances demonstrates that Nepal’s economy is an unrecognised boon for India. ................... While Nepali citizens working as migrant labour in India is frequently cited as evidence of Nepal’s poor economic standing, in fact Nepal is the seventh-largest economy receiving migrant labourers from India. The rural economies of India’s poorest regions, from Jharkhand to Bihar and Odisha, are supported by the money that Indian workers in Nepal send home.
.................... Money repatriated by Indian migrants working in Nepal is said to hover at around USD 3 billion per annum, while according to one estimate Nepali migrants in India send back no more than a third of that amount. Given that Nepal is the eleventh-largest export destination for Indian goods and services, second only to Bangladesh in South Asia, New Delhi’s commentators and geo-strategists must learn to regard Nepal’s economic significance for India. ............... A stark reality of the India-Nepal relationship has been the incessant meddling of the former in politics and governance of the latter. While pressures are applied economically, diplomatically as well as through the aegis of intelligence agencies, the export of political ‘Hindutva’ over the last ten years has posed an even greater threat because the aim is to infiltrate Nepali society’s cultural fabric and poison inter-community relations. ...................... Sanatan Tradition: Social divisions based on an exclusivist reading of the sanatan tradition, centred on a particular interpretation of the worship of Shri Ram, have promoted social rigidities in India’s north and centre. Nepal’s faith-based traditions have not yet been overtaken by the RSS ideology, but it would be correct to say that the organisation is currently in overdrive in the country. ................ Not satisfied with working through Nepali organisations with Hindutva leanings, the RSS has moved to establish its own base in Kathmandu. The office of the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS) has been operating from a building named ‘Keshav Dham’ in Kathmandu’s Gujeswari locality, with Indian citizens serving as organisers and propagators.
