Friday, September 26, 2014
Wednesday, September 24, 2014
Dr. C.K.Raut Episode: Soft Landing Options
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| English: PM Bhattarai during a live talk show. (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
- His personal safety and health are my biggest concern.
- The Supreme Court has given a small opening in a fundamentally unfair ruling. That opening is he can get medical treatment with a doctor of his choice at a hospital of his choice at his own personal expense. This opening has to be strategically utilized. Maybe we get a doctor that needs to meet him three times a week. Those will be three times a week when CK gets to communicate with the world out there. I am for some international fundraising for this effort.
- The legal team has to do its utmost best. There has to be an in court strategy. But there is also a need for a robust media strategy. The unfairness and the injustice has to be called upon in specific detail each time it happens.
- We have to figure out a soft landing to the fast unto death. The fast started because the police misbehaved with him in custody. Assurances have to be sought from the Home Minister that the misbehavior will not restart. And that should be a reason for the fast to end. That political action has to be taken.
- The guy has a right to free speech, and a right to peaceful assembly. That is why he has to be released.
- As for his stated goal of Madhesh as a separate country, it was conditional. As in, if the discrimination against Madhesis inside Nepal does not stop, it will be time to create a separate country. I can not argue against that.
- But right now the fight is to eliminate that discrimination inside Nepal and to create a democratic, non-violent path to separation should the need arise. And there people like Baburam Bhattarai will have to put their money where their mouth is. Baburam has to come out saying he also believes in the right to self determination, that he has believed that for a long time, like years, like decades.
- The Madhesi parties are also going to have to come along. You have to say you believe in the right to self determination. That does not mean you believe in the idea of a separate country. If you don't believe in Madhesh as a separate country, then you don't. And right now I don't think any Madhesi party does.
- As long as we can ensure CK's safety and health, as long we can ensure his release from custody, as long as we can make sure the right to self determination becomes an integral part of the new constitution, that is all there is. If we can accomplish all these goals without organizing Madhesi Kranti (3), so much the better.
- Let's coordinate well. Let's strategize well. Let's do the necessary political, legal and oraganizational work.
Madhesi Enpowerment In The Larger Nepali Context
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| हिन्दी: देश के उप राष्ट्रपति मोहम्मद हामिद अंसारी पटना में पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री सत्येन्द्र नारायण सिन्हा(छोटे साहब) की 94वीं जयंती पर आयोजित व्याख्यानमाला श्रंखला पर पूर्व सांसद किशोरी सिन्हा और मुख्यमंत्री नीतीश कुमार के साथ (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
In my model there are six million Bahun Chhetri, that many Dalits, nine million Janajatis, and nine million Madhesis. If you manage to restructure the state fundamentally, hypothetically speaking, you end up with 60,000 Bahun Chhetri on state payroll, 60,000 Dalits, 90,000 Janajatis, and 90,000 Madhesis.
But that still leaves out 5,940,000 Bahun Chhetri, 5,940,000 Dalits, 8,910,000 Janajatis, 8,910,000 Madhesis. Not everyone can get on state payroll. If you right size the government (that means downsizing) to something like 10,000 soldiers, 50,000 police officers, and 50,000 bureaucrats, the opportunities to put members of this or that community on state payroll are even less.
So where will the rest go? In countries like Nepal and India there tends to be a huge informal sector. There is a small public sector, a larger private sector, and a huge informal sector.
The purpose of putting people on state payroll is not to provide livelihoods to members of this or that community. The purpose is to run a small, lean, agile, effective government. But the understanding has to be that most of the people will get taken care of in the private sector. And so it is the purpose of Nepal Sarkar to foster the private sector.
The whole political debate in Nepal misses this point. If you follow the debate it feels like these 300,000 people on state payroll are the be all and end all. There are 29 million and 700,000 other people that we are not yet talking about.
It is important to move fast, be done with this federalism thing, and move on to issues of rapid economic growth. The debate has to move on to talking about Nitishism, my name for what Nitish Kumar has done in Bihar. Nepal has to get down to the business of providing strong basic law and order, build roads and bridges to connect all parts of the country, build schools and health care centers, train teachers and health care workers.
People acting dishonest on federalism are doing a great disservice to the country and its peoples. Obviously they don't love the country. Or they would not be acting dishonest. तपाईंले बुझेको नेपाल के हो?
छलफल र वादविवाद Short Circuit गर्नु मुर्ख मान्छेको लक्षण हो
संघीयतामा जाने कि नजाने भन्ने विवाद नेपालमा औपचारिक रुपमा छैन। तर कुन किसिमको संघीयतामा जाने भन्ने विवाद र छलफल जारी छ। पहिलाको संविधान सभाको मैंडेट पनि सबै पार्टी मिलेर संविधान बनाउ भन्ने थियो, अहिले पनि त्यही हो।
भने पछि छलफल गर्ने हो, खुला बहस गर्ने हो। वाद विवाद गर्ने हो। संसदमा गर्ने हो। संसदबाहिर गर्ने हो। चोक डबलीमा गर्ने हो, इंटरनेटमा गर्ने हो, फेसबुकमा गर्ने हो, ब्लॉग र ट्वीटरमा गर्ने हो। चिया पसलमा गर्ने हो। दिउँसो गर्ने हो, बेलुकी गर्ने हो।
मुर्ख मान्छेलाई तर आत्थु आत्थु भइराखेको हुन्छ। छलफल जति लम्बियो त्यति टाउको दुख्छ। अनि उ छलफल र वादविवाद सकेसम्म कसरी short circuit गर्दिउ भन्ने ताकमा बसेको हुन्छ। जस्तो कि बाबा वामदेव।
वामदेवलाई मंत्री परिषदबाट हटाउने हल्ला फैलिएको थियो। सार्क गृह मंत्री स्तरीय भेला अगाडि त मिल्दैन भन्ने तर्क सारियो। उल्टो तर्क। झन सार्क गृह मंत्री स्तरीय भेला अगाडि नै हो उसलाई हटाउनुपर्ने। देशको त्यत्रो बेइज्जत भयो। त्यो बेइज्जती त जोगिन्थ्यो। कहाँ गए देशलाई माया गर्नेहरु?
भने पछि छलफल गर्ने हो, खुला बहस गर्ने हो। वाद विवाद गर्ने हो। संसदमा गर्ने हो। संसदबाहिर गर्ने हो। चोक डबलीमा गर्ने हो, इंटरनेटमा गर्ने हो, फेसबुकमा गर्ने हो, ब्लॉग र ट्वीटरमा गर्ने हो। चिया पसलमा गर्ने हो। दिउँसो गर्ने हो, बेलुकी गर्ने हो।
मुर्ख मान्छेलाई तर आत्थु आत्थु भइराखेको हुन्छ। छलफल जति लम्बियो त्यति टाउको दुख्छ। अनि उ छलफल र वादविवाद सकेसम्म कसरी short circuit गर्दिउ भन्ने ताकमा बसेको हुन्छ। जस्तो कि बाबा वामदेव।
वामदेवलाई मंत्री परिषदबाट हटाउने हल्ला फैलिएको थियो। सार्क गृह मंत्री स्तरीय भेला अगाडि त मिल्दैन भन्ने तर्क सारियो। उल्टो तर्क। झन सार्क गृह मंत्री स्तरीय भेला अगाडि नै हो उसलाई हटाउनुपर्ने। देशको त्यत्रो बेइज्जत भयो। त्यो बेइज्जती त जोगिन्थ्यो। कहाँ गए देशलाई माया गर्नेहरु?
निर्दलीय प्रजातन्त्र र आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार बिनाको संघीयता
संघीयता न चाहेको अवश्य हो। देशको एक मात्र राजधानी काठमाण्डुलाई बनाइ राख्ने इच्छा त हो यी बाहुनहरुको। देशमा १० वटा राजधानीले इनको सातो किन जाने हो त्यो चाहिं थाहा भएन। तर मट्ठर बयल जस्तो गरी चाहि नचाहि यिनीहरुले संघीयताको पक्षमै विगत दुई चुनावमा जनतासँग मत मागे। त्यो संघीयता यिनीहरुलाई घांडो भएको पनि हो। तर के गर्ने? ज्ञानेन्द्र र कमल थापाले चाहेर राजतन्त्र फर्किने वाला छैन, यी बाहुनले चाहेर संघीयता बिलाइ जाने होइन।
संघीयता भनेको विकेन्द्रीकरण होइन। राजा वीरेन्द्रको ५ विनास क्षेत्रको अवधारणा विकेन्द्रीकरणको असफल प्रयोग थियो। त्यो आयो गयो सकियो। त्यो नक्शाको मोह हुनेहरु अझै पनि यो संघीयता नामको घांडोबाट उम्किन सकिन्छ कि भनी दिवा स्वप्न देख्नेहरु हुन।
संघीयता नचाहेर नै हो पहाड़का जनजातिलाई जातीय संघीयता दिन्नौं भन्ने, तराईका मधेसीलाई भौगोलिक संघीयता दिन्नौं भन्ने। यो संघीयताको मुद्दा नियतको मुद्दा भइसक्यो। यी बाहुनहरुको नियत ख़राब छ।
संघीयताको पक्षमा रहेका शक्तिहरुले के बुझ्नुपर्छ भने निर्दलीय प्रजातन्त्र र आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार बिनाको संघीयता उस्तै उस्तै हो। हात्ती बलियो कि हात्ती छाप चप्पल बलियो? उस्तै उस्तै हो नानु।
CK
(written for Vishwa Sandesh)
Partyless democracy is an oxymoron, but Nepal had it under King Birendra. Girija Koirala was “invited” to “participate” but he refused, and understandably so. The right to self determination is as integral a part of federalism as political parties are to democracy.
CK Raut’s arrest defies political logic, and flies in the face of the Universal Declaration Of Human Rights. Unlike the likes of Gagan Thapa who toe the line of octogenarians in his party, CK has challenged the existing Madhesi political parties and their leaders, and has elevated the political conversation in the country in ways that we have not seen since the April revolution of 2006 and the subsequent Madhesi movements of 2007 and 2008. There is hyperactivity online. The streets of Madhesh are warming up. You feel the lull before the storm.
Of the legislative, executive and the judiciary, the judiciary in Nepal is the most regressive, with the executive right behind it. The monarchy was the most regressive institution but it is gone. It was the judiciary that disallowed the use of Maithili in local governments in parts of the country where pretty much everyone speaks Maithili and the vast majority don’t comprehend Nepali. It was the judiciary that disallowed the Vice President, a Madhesi, to take oath in Hindi.
Hindi is at the very core of the Madhesi identity. Otherwise there are Maithils, there are Bhojpuri speakers, there are Marwadis. Hindi is probably better understood in all parts of Nepal than is Nepali. Nepal’s salvation lies in Hindi being recognized as the sixth UN language. Amitabh Bachchan speaks Hindi. Hrithik Roshan, yes Hrithik Roshan, speaks Hindi.
Bamdev Gautam is pretty much a “auntha chhap.” Sushil Koirala is basically in a wheelchair. He was missing in action for two straight months, and the country still kept running just fine. Why is he Prime Minister? He should be made constitutional monarch! Those are qualities of a constitutional monarch!
Nepal would be oh so fortunate if people like Bamdev disappeared, never to be seen again, and people like CK Raut came to hold offices of power. I know CK personally. He is easily one of the foremost intellects in all of Nepal and the Nepali diaspora. In CK Baburam Bhattarai might have finally met his match. CK, after all was born in the land of Janak, that most famous of philosopher kings.
Whereas Bamdev turned the entire country into a joke at a recent SAARC home minister level gathering. He spoke out a speech in English that he had had someone write in the Devnagari script. The jackal howled at the sight of the moon and got caught!
I don’t get it. The right to self determination is integral to federalism. If there is consensus on federalism, why is the right to self determination even an issue? Nepal has been declared a secular country, but Kamal Thapa still campaigns for a Hindu country. He can do that. It’s called freedom of expression. Govinda Raj Joshi and Khum Bahadur Khadka have both joined that Hindu nation chorus. Why are they still roaming around freely? Free speech! Ram Sharan Mahat talked of a federalism free constitution. That is highly irresponsible for someone in the cabinet to say, but it is still free speech. Never mind that Nepal has been declared a federal republic in the interim constitution already.
Is the state saying Pahadis are entitled to free speech but Madhesis are not? What is the message here?
I don’t sense a strong sentiment for Madhesh as a separate country in the Madhesh right now, but the CK Raut case mishandled would build such a thing at a rapid clip. But this is not about majority or minority opinion. This is about basic rights.
A state legislature would have the option to organize a referendum on the topic. And majority vote would decide, like just happened in Scotland. If sovereignty rests in the hands of the people, there is no other way.
Personally I am for federalism in Nepal with two states in the Terai encompassing all 22 of the Terai districts and a South Asian economic union. That is my prescribed solution to the 300 year old discrimination faced by the Madhesis that have 3,000 years of continuous history.
The most heartbreaking part is all this foot dragging on federalism postpones Nepal’s economic revolution by leaps and bounds. If there are 100,000 bureaucrats in Nepal, and 100,000 soldiers, and 100,000 police officers, that’s 300,000 people on the state’s payroll. If the Bahun Chhetri are 20% of the country of 30 million, there are six million of them. If they are currently 90% of the state, are you telling me 270,000 Bahuns Chhetris drawing state salaries meets the needs of the other 5.7 million plus of them? I doubt it.
Democratization and power devolution are also in the best interests of the six million Bahuns and Chhetris of Nepal. Most of them live in slave conditions.
आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार सहितको संघीयता र वाक स्वतन्त्रता
यदि नेपाल सार्वभौमसत्ता सम्पन्न देश हो भने र नेपाल गणतन्त्रात्मक संघीयता भएको देश हो भने त्यो संघीयता आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार सहितको संघीयता नै हुन्छ। र आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार सहितको संघीयता भएको देशमा अलग देशकालागि अहिंसात्मक अभियान चलाउनु कानुन प्रदत्त कुरा हो।
संविधानले धर्म निरपेक्ष राष्ट्र भनेको छ, तर कमल थापा हिन्दु राष्ट्रको पक्षमा अभियान चलाउँदै हिड्छन, त्यो कमल थापाको मानव अधिकार हो। पाइन्छ। वाक स्वतन्त्रता भनेको त्यही हो। संविधानले गणतन्त्र भनेको छ तर कमल थापाले राजतन्त्र फर्काउने नारामा वोट माँगे। त्यो वाक स्वतन्त्रता हो। पाइन्छ।
नेपाली कांग्रेसकै गोविन्द राज जोशी र खुम बहादुर खड्काले हिन्दु राष्ट्र, हिन्दु राष्ट्र भन्दै कुदेको अवस्था छ। पाइन्छ। वाक स्वतन्त्रता भनेको त्यही हो। देशले संघीयता भनेर संविधानमा भनिसक्यो तर राम शरण महत संघीयता बिनाको संविधान ल्याउने कुरा गर्छ।
अहिले देश संविधान बनाउने प्रयासमा छ। निर्णयहरु भइसकेका छैनन्। यस्तो अवस्थामा वाक स्वतन्त्रताको अझ बढ़ी महत्व हुन्छ।
आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार सहितको संघीयता प्रचण्ड र बाबुराम भट्टराईको पनि विचार हो। त्यो विचार १५ वर्ष अगाडि प्रकट गरिएको हो।
प्रचण्ड र बाबुरामसंग सीकेको विचार मिलेको, कमल थापा, गोविन्द राज जोशी र खुम बहादुर खड्काले जस्तो आफ्नो वाक स्वतन्त्रताको अधिकार प्रयोग गरेको सीकेले। तर प्रचण्ड, बाबुराम, कमल थापा, गोविन्द राज जोशी र खुम बहादुर खड्का जेलमा छैनन्, सीके जेलमा छ।
सीकेले भनेको मधेसी विरुद्धको विभेद यही हो कि? अलग देश चाहिने यसैकालागि हो कि? वाक स्वतन्त्रता पनि पहाड़ीलाई लागु हुने, मधेसीलाई लागु नहुने देश नेपाल।
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