The President Is 100% Responsible For The Mess

Baburam 10 Times More Qualified Than Sushil
Fair Enough
The Implications Of The Madhesi Party Unification
Beyond The Three Parties


Dahal's So-Called Consensus Efforts

Imagine if Dahal had tried to forge so-called consensus with the seven democratic parties and the king in 2005. Would it have worked? No way. The polarization in 2005 between the monarchy and the rest was necessary for the country to see progress. Three poles had to become two poles. That polarization was necessary.

The polarization today is between the federalists and the anti-federalists. Those who do not see this polarization as necessary to the progress are themselves anti-federalists. In capitulating to the anti-federalists Dahal himself runs the danger of ending up an anti-federalist.

Right now when the federalists have the option to go from strength to strength Dahal's moves are inviting weakness. Dahal might be a closet anti-federalist. Worse, he might be an anti-federalist who does not know he is an anti-federalist. He is being played.

Dahal's Capitulation Is Wrong

Prachanda running around like a headless chicken seeking "consensus" is him overcompensating for the fact he was utterly disrespectful of the president when he was Prime Minister. Now he is the opposite. He is subservient. He is seeking "consensus" on behalf of a president who has no right to impose consensus - basically suggesting his parent party the Nepali Congress has veto power - upon the polity. Political progress will be made through political polarization, not "consensus." You are not going to convince Sushil, Jhalanath, Pashupati and Surya Bahadur to the ways of federalism. You are going to defeat them at the polls.

Baidya, Not Bahun. Badal, Not Bahun

It is worth noting that the breakaway Maoist party is led by a Newar and a Magar. Just like Ashok Rai walked away from Jhalanath, Badal walked away from Prachanda. Upendra Yadav walked away from both a long time ago.

The President Is 100% Responsible For The Mess

The president can not dismiss Baburam Bhattarai. And Baburam can not resign. If he does, the president is forced to do what he did last time, which is to request him to continue in a caretaker capacity. Holding elections as soon as possible is the best way to bring the caretaker government to an end.

Elections In April 2013 A Must

If Ram Baran had not made the mistake of not passing the election related ordinances when they were sent to him, by now we would already have had a newly elected constituent assembly, a newly elected government and, yes, a newly elected president. Ram Baran's been in office for more than four years now. That is half a year too many. July 2008 to December 2012 is four and a half years. His time is up too. Maybe Prachanda will be the next Ram Baran, the next ceremonial president. Or maybe Mahantha Thakur.

Bhattarai has shown plenty of goodwill. Offering to give the Home ministry to the NC and the Finance ministry to the UML was as flexible as the Maoists needed to be. After that lies conspiracy. Any flexibility beyond that is to give in to the anti-federalists and to accept defeat when victory is a 90% possibility.

Two Poles

Prachanda is yet to make peace with the fact that his party split into two. He does not yet recognize the Badal-Baidya group as yet another political party. Similarly his Madhesi allies do not recognize Upendra Yadav, Sharad Singh Bhandari and their alliance. The ruling alliance is not doing enough to help Ashok Rai.

What Prachanda is doing today if translated into 2005 would have been the equivalent of talking to the king while refusing to deal with the seven parties.

The ruling alliance today is like the Maoists in 2005. Federalists out of power - people like Badal-Baidya, Upendra Yadav, Ashok Rai - are like the seven parties. And the NC, UML and the monarchist parties are like the king. There are three poles today like there were in 2005. Progress is to be made by merging two out of three poles. Just like in 2005.

The Anti Federal Alliance (AFA)
Broadening The Ruling Alliance
July 2005: Possible Framework For A Maoist-Democrat Alliance
September 2005: Alliance Of Steel
November 2005: Indian Support For Democrat-Maoist Alliance A Must
ICG Report On The New Alliance
Dynamic Agreement, Concrete Eight Party Alliance

The Madhesis in power would like to act like Upendra Yadav is a nobody and Prachanda would like to act like Badal is a nobody. Those are mistakes being made. The cause of federalism is served when the federalists in and out of power come together.

Prachanda has been talking to the wrong people. Instead of talking to Sushil and Jhalanath he should be talking to Baidya, Badal, Upendra, Ashok and Gopal.

The Big Reason Not To Make Sushil PM

Sushil Koirla is the lousiest party president the Nepali Congress ever had. And it will show when elections are finally held. He is too incompetent to be made PM. Ever since he ascended to the party's presidency the various NC factions have been fighting like it was nobody's business.

Baburam 10 Times More Qualified Than Sushil

Sushil has made no effort whatsoever to build an all party coalition. His only thing is that he should be made PM. Projecting yourself as the PM candidate is a ridiculous way to build an all party coalition.

The guy is incompetent, pure and simple. It is between him and Jhalanath. Both are incompetent people hellbent on taking their parties to total defeat at the polls.

Street Strength

The Nepali Congress is yesterday's party. It does not have what it takes to come out into the streets. Call the bluff.


'Bhattarai out to strengthen own faction'
The eagerly awaited extended meeting of party office-bearers [former standing committee members, bureau in-charges and state committee coordinators] held in Kathmandu on Saturday, also increased the confusion in the Nepali political firmament. ..... At the meeting, the Dahal and Narayankazi Shrestha factions voiced strong criticism against the Bhattarai government´s activities, terming them ´anti-nationalist´. The interesting thing is, countering the accusation of the Dahal and Shrestha factions, Bhattarai faction leaders have proposed Dahal as candidate for PM. But the Dahal faction immediately countered that, saying it was just a ´ploy.´ ....... the Bhattarai faction could make things very hard for Dahal if he pushes such a proposal. He would be acused of being anti-federalist. Bhattarai faction leaders have been projecting Koirala as anti-constituent assembly and anti-federalism but this is indirectly aimed at Dahal. ...... The Dahal and Shrestha factions criticized the Bhattarai government, saying it entered into anti-national agreements with India. Deputy Prime Minster Shrestha himself has criticized the awarding of tenders for Tribhuvan International Airport and Upper Karnali to India.
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प्याकेजमा सहमतिका लागि मोर्चाको ९ बुँदे प्रस्ताव
तत्कालिन राज्य पुनः संरचना तथा शक्तिको बाँडफाँड समितिले तयार गरेको १४ प्रदेश, राज्य पुनःसंरचना आयोगले प्रस्तुत गरेको १० र अल्पमतको रुपमा आएको ६ प्रदेशको प्रस्तावमा सहमति नभएकाले त्यसलाई विवादित रुपमै ग्रहण गरी अन्तिम निर्णय आगामी संविधानसभाबाट गरिनुपर्ने मोर्चाको धारणा छ । .... सहमतिका आधारमा संवैधानिक निकायमा रिक्त पदहरुमा नियुक्ति तथा शान्ति प्रक्रियाका बाँकी कामहरु पूरा गरिनुपर्ने
In a first, Bhattarai asks Dahal to take up top job, if that helps
Dahal briefed the meeting on the progress made in the cross-party talks on a package deal to hold polls in April-May.He said the opposition parties have agreed to amend the Interim Constitution, fix the election date, make appointments to constitutional bodies under the incumbent government and take the ownership of the issues agreed upon by the dissolved Constituent Assembly. In the meeting, PM Bhattarai said the party chairman “was not committed to the party’s official stance.” .... “The chairman is simply being too flexible with the opposition parties at the cost of the party’s agenda,” a leader quoted Bhattarai as saying.
Bhattarai rigid; NC-led govt not on the horizon
“If I step down without the elections being guaranteed, a crisis will hit the country,” Bhattarai said. PM Bhattarai dismissed claims made by Dahal that the parties are inching closer to that end..... “There may have been some progress in informal cross-party talks, but nothing substantial has come out of it,” said Bhattarai.
MK Nepal holds PM responsible for deadlock
सत्तामा रहिरहने भट्टराईको शक्तिको स्रोत के ?
विपक्षीहरूले त आठ महिनादेखि नै प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराई नेतृत्वको सरकारविरुद्ध मोर्चाबन्दी गरिरहेका छन् । त्यही मोर्चाबन्दीमा थपिन आइपुग्यो प्रधानमन्त्रीकै दल एमाओवादीबाट अलग्गिएको नेकपा-माओवादी र मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम लोकतान्त्रिकबाट फुटेको राष्ट्रिय मधेस समाजवादी पार्टी । केही दिनयता त उपाध्यक्ष भट्टराई पक्षधरबाहेक एमाओवादी नै सरकारको विकल्प खोज्न थालेको छ । तर प्रधानमन्त्री भनिरहेका छन्, 'म छाड्दिनँ ।' .... मधेसवादी दलको एउटा हिस्सा र केही स-साना पार्टीमात्र यतिखेर उनको पक्षमा छन् । ..... एमाले उपाध्यक्ष वामदेव गौतमका अनुसार भट्टराईले भन्ने गरेका छन्, 'दक्षिणी छिमेकी भारतीय सद्भाव, सत्तारूढ मधेसी मोर्चाको समर्थन, नेपाली सेनाको विश्वास र पार्टीका पुराना निर्णय मेरा शक्तिका स्रोत हुन् । यस्तो अनुकूल अवस्थामा मैले किन छाड्ने ?' ...... २०६७ सालमा एमाओवादी अध्यक्षलाई सात पटकसम्मको प्रधानमन्त्रीको प्रतिस्पर्धामा असहयोग गरेको मोर्चाले अर्को वर्ष नै भट्टराईलाई सहजै सहयोग गरेको थियो । कतिसम्म भने एमाओवादीले भट्टराईलाई उम्मेदवार तय नगर्दै मोर्चा नेता विजयकुमार गच्छदारले २०६८ भदौ २ गते अबको प्रधानमन्त्री बाबुराम भट्टराई हुन् भनेर सार्वजनिक अभिव्यक्ति नै दिएका थिए । ...... सरकारमा ठूलो सहभागिता र महत्त्वपूर्ण मन्त्रालय पाएकाले पनि मोर्चाले भट्टराईको साथ छाड्न नचाहेको हो । ........ प्रधानमन्त्रीको प्याकेजमा वैशाखमा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गर्ने, निर्वाचनका लागि संविधान संशोधन गर्न बाधा अड्काउ फुकाउने, निर्वाचनलगायत संवैधानिक आयोगहरूमा नियुक्ति गर्ने, शान्ति प्रक्रियाका बाँकी काम सेना समायोजनमा दर्जा निर्धारण गर्ने, सत्य निरूपण तथा मेलमिलाप आयोग गठन गर्नेलगायतमा सहमति भइसकेपछि राष्ट्रिय सरकार दुई चरणमा गठन गर्ने आदि विषय समेटिएका छन् । त्यसका लागि केही समय आफ्नै नेतृत्वको सरकारमा कांग्रेस-एमालेलगायतलाई सहभागी गराई राष्ट्रिय सरकार बनाउने र त्यसपछि सरकारको नेतृत्व कांग्रेसलाई दिने अडान लिए । .... 'बाबुरामजीलाई अछूत मान्ने, निषेध गर्ने अनि त्यही बाबुरामले माला लगाइदिएर कांग्रेसलाई प्रधानमन्त्री बनाइदिनुपर्ने ? यो हुनै सक्दैन । .... कांग्रेस नेता शेखर कोइराला देखिने हिसाबले मधेसी मोर्चा नै भट्टराईको प्रमुख शक्ति भएको मान्छन् । ..... प्रधानमन्त्री भट्टराई र प्रधानसेनापति गौरवशमशेर जबराबीच राम्रो सम्बन्ध छ । तेस्रो व्यक्तिसँगको कुराकानीमा उनीहरू एकअर्काको मुक्तकण्ठले प्रशंसा गर्छन् । प्रधानसेनापति हुनुअघिदेखि नै दुईबीच राम्रै हिमचिम थियो । सेनाको दोस्रो वरीयतामा रहेका जबराले भट्टराई प्रधानमन्त्री भएलगत्तै भेटेर गुरुचरन दासको 'द डिफिकल्टी अफ बिइङ गुड' शीर्षकको पुस्तक उपहार दिएका थिए । नेपाली मामिलामा भारतीय भूमिका बुझ्ने सवालमा पनि दुवैको समान दृष्टिकोण रहँदै आएको छ । ..... पछिल्ला राजनीतिक छलफलमा प्रधानमन्त्रीले सेना आफ्नो पक्षमा रहेको अभिव्यक्ति दिने गरेका छन् । ..... उनलाई प्रधानमन्त्रीको उम्मेदवारमा पार्टीको केन्द्रीय कमिटीले प्रस्ताव गरेको थियो । र, पार्टीको पछिल्लो निर्णय पनि भट्टराईकै नेतृत्वमा राष्ट्रिय सरकार बनाउन पहल गर्ने भन्ने छ । त्यसैले भट्टराईले पार्टी केन्द्रीय कमिटीले संस्थागत रूपमा गरेको निर्णय कुनै व्यक्ति विशेष (अध्यक्ष) वा समूह (पदाधिकारी) ले उल्ट्याउन नसक्ने बताउने गरेका छन् । साथै सरकार निर्माणमा सहयोग गर्ने मधेसी मोर्चा र साना दलसँग पनि परामर्श गर्नुपर्ने उनको तर्क छ । ..... 'राजनीतिक रूपले कमजोर बन्दै गए पनि राष्ट्रपतिले उनलाई हटाउन सक्ने अवस्था छैन । संवैधानिक र कानुनी रूपमा पनि त्यसको वैधता हुँदैन । भट्टराई यस्तै प्राविधिक कारणले टिकेका हुन्' .... अहिले राष्ट्रपति र प्रधानमन्त्रीको मात्र संवैधानिक हैसियत छ । त्यसैले एकले अर्कोलाई क्रस गर्न सक्दैन ।
राष्ट्रपतिको जम्बो भ्रमण टोलीमा छोरा, छोरी, बुहारी र नाति
राष्ट्रपतिको भ्रमण दल २६ सदस्यीय छ । धेरैजसो सदस्य राष्ट्राध्यक्षको भ्रमणमा सामेल गरिनुको कुनै अर्थ नरहेको स्रोतले उल्लेख गरेको छ । भ्रमण दलमा उनकै परिवारका सदस्य र सहयोगीको संख्या ठूलो छ । .... राष्ट्रपतिसित छोरी अनिता, छोरा चन्द्रमोहन, बुहारी रेश्मी र नाति नमन छन् । राष्ट्राध्यक्ष या सरकार प्रमुखले विदेश भ्रमणमा जाँदा पत्नी या पत्नी नभए छोरा या छोरी एक जनामात्र लाने विश्वव्यापी परम्परा छ । .... मन्त्रिपरिषद्ले भ्रमण दलमा सरकारकातर्फबाट सिँचाइमन्त्री महेन्द्र यादवलाई पठाउने निर्णय गरेको छ । .... राष्ट्रपतिको नयाँदिल्लीमा स्वास्थ्य जाँच गर्ने कार्यक्रमसमेत छ । उनी मधुमेह रोग, आँखाको समस्यालगायतबाट पीडित छन् । राष्ट्रपति शुक्रबार स्वदेश र्फकनेछन् । उनको यो तेस्रो भारत भ्रमण हो ।
दाहाल-भट्टराई मतभेद उस्तै
भट्टराईले दलहरूबीच तुरुन्त सहमति गर्नुपर्ने आवश्यकता भए पनि त्यसो नभए कुनै अर्को शक्ति आउन नसक्ने ठोकुवा गरेका थिए । 'हतारमा वैधानिक सरकार छाड्नु भनेको दुर्घटना निम्त्याउनु हो' ..... प्रवक्ता अग्नि सापकोटा र प्रधानमन्त्रीका राजनीतिक सल्लाहकार देवेन्द्र पौडेलले दुई नेताबीच आधारभूत रूपमा समानता भएको भन्दै सहमति गरेरै अघि बढ्ने बताए ।
एमाओवादी निर्णय पर्खिंदै कांग्रेस-एमाले
एमाले उपाध्यक्ष वामदेव गौतमका अनुसार दाहालका प्रस्तावमा वैशाखमा चुनाव गने, बाबुराम भट्टराई नेतृत्वकै सरकारले संविधान, ऐन र नियमावली संशोधनसम्बन्धी बाधा अड्काउ फुकाउने आदेश सिफारिस गर्ने, विभिन्न आयोगहरू गठन गर्ने, विघटित संविधानसभामा दलहरूबीच भएका सहमतिलाई फेरि प्रतिबद्घता जनाउनेलगायतमा करिब सहमति भइसकेको छ । ..... उक्त प्रस्तावमा भट्टराई नेतृत्वको सरकारमा केही समय कांग्रेस-एमाले पनि सहभागी हुनुपर्ने बुँदा पनि समावेश भएकाले त्यसमा मात्र सहमति रोकिइरहेको गौतमले बताए । .... विपक्षी दलहरूले दलीय पद्घतिमा व्यक्तिगत असहमतिको अर्थ नरहने उल्लेख गर्दै राजनीतिक पार्टीहरूबीच सहमति गरी राष्ट्रपतिकहाँ प्रधानमन्त्रीको नाम सिफारिस गर्न सकिने प्रस्तावसमेत एमाओवादीसँग लगिसकेका छन् । तर एमाओवादी अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहालले पार्टीभित्र अप्ठ्यारो परेकाले बैठकका निर्णय नआउँदासम्म नहतारिन विपक्षी दलहरूलाई आग्रह गरिरहेका छन् ।
मातृका हतियार उठाउने तयारीमा No NC, UML leadership in new govt come what may: UDMF leader
"There is an unanimous view among the leaders to transforming the present government into a national consensus coalition under Baburam Bhattarai´s leadership" .... the Madhes-based parties wouldn´t accept leadership of Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML terming them as anti-federalists´ parties. "We won´t accept NC and UML leadership for the new government even if Baburam Bhattarai becomes ready for that" ..... Madhesi People´s Rights Forum-Democratic (MPRF-D), Tarai-Madesh Democratic Party (TMDP), TMDP-Nepal, MPRF-Republican and SP are member parties of the Front.
Maoists, UDMF to leave govt only after package deal
Madhesi Front floats 9-pt proposal for consensus
fresh Constituent Assembly elections should be held in Baisakh (April-May) and that the Prime Minister should resign if he failed to conduct the elections by then. Likewise, the Front said that the tenure of the would-be CA should be five years, which would turn into legislature parliament only after the promulgation of the constitution. ...... On constitution, the UDMF has proposed to present the proposals tabled in the erstwhile CA including the recommendations of the State Restructuring Commission on the federal model in the new CA. Likewise, the Front said the 240 directly elected seats should be maintained while the number of proportionally elected seats need to be decided on the basis of consensus. .... the UDMF's first priority will be to turn the current Baburam Bhattarai-led government into a consensus election government or, as second option, form a consensus government headed by another leader of the ruling Federal Democratic Republican Alliance. In the third option, the UDMF will support any party that accepts its proposal to take government leadership
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प्याकेजमा सहमति नभै छाड्दिनं: प्रधानमन्त्री
अध्यक्ष प्रचण्ड र आफुबीच रहेको मतभेद स्वीकार्दै उनले भने, "हामीबीच एकता प्रधान संघर्षको सम्बन्ध हो, थुप्रै विषयमा हामीबीच बहस जारी छ।" .... राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारले निर्वाचनको मिति घोषणा गर्नुपर्छ। पहिलो चरणमा हाम्रो नेतृत्वमा आउनोस्, दोश्रो चरणमा विपक्षीहरुको नेतृत्वमा जान हामी तयार छौं। त्यसले विश्वास बनाउँछ"
Everest captured in two billion pixel image detail
The Image
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