Monday, August 27, 2007

जयप्रकाश गुप्ता: मधेस आन्दोलनका आग्रह

Jay Prakash Gupta

मधेस आन्दोलनका आग्रह

जयप्रकाश गुप्ता

मधेसको तनाव कम भएको छैनमधेसमा राजनीति परिचालन गर्न माओवादीले कुरुक्षेत्र युद्धकैहाराहारीमा दुई-तीनवटा एकल आमसभा आयोजना -योआठवटै दलको संयुक्त आमसभा गर्न अघि सारेकोप्रस्तावको मसी सुक्न नपाउँदै हालै सम्पन्न पाँचौं विस्तारित बैठकबाट "मधेसमा माओवादीक्रान्तिकारीमाथि सामन्तवादी साम्राज्यवादीहरूको इसारामा कायरतापूर्ण हमला गर्ने आपराधिकतत्त्वहरूका योजनाबद्ध प्रतिरोध मधेसको अपरिहार्य आवश्यकता हो" भनेको शासन प्रमुखसमेतरहेका कांग्रेस सभापति गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालाको मधेसमा बहुप्रचारित दुइटा आमसभा बाध्यतावश अन्तिम समयमा रद्द गर्नुपर्‍यो एमालेका फरर्र भोजपुरी बोल्नसक्ने महासचिव माधवकुमार नेपालले कोठे कार्यकर्ता भेलाबाहेक मधेसमा आफूलाई बाहिर्‍याउन सकेका छैनन् सरकार मधेसबीच वार्ता छैनकांग्रेस एमाले मधेसको समस्या समाधानका लागि सोझै भारतसँग कुरागर्ने पक्षमा छन्केही अघिसम्म मधेसमा जताततै देखिएको मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमलाई अहिले मधेसीहरूले दर्शनार्थ खोज्नु परिरहेको छ यसका अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादव अर्धभूमिगत हुनुपरेको छ संविधानसभा चुनावमा भाग लिने प्रयोजनका लागि निर्वाचन आयोगमा दल दर्ता गराएर चुनाव चिह्नसमेतथापेको यो फोरम अहिले चुनावमा भाग लिने कि नलिने विवादमा विभाजित रहेको खबर आएको सूर्यबहादुरथापा पशुपतिशमशेर जबराहरू मधेसी हितको रट लगाई-लगाई काठमाडौंका गल्लीमा खाली बोतल पुरानोगोरखापत्र किन्नेझैं रूपान्तरित भएका छन्

संसदीय अभ्यासक्रममा एक हदसम्म मधेसको हित संरक्षण गराउन सशक्त आवाज उठाएका केही मधेसीसांसद अहिले मौन भएका छन्यिनीहरू मुलुकको भावी संघीयतालाई ध्यानमा राखेर संस्थागत विकल्पदिनसकेका छैनन् विजय गच्छदार लगायत हामीहरूको क्षेत्रीय दलको सोच खतरनाक किंकर्तव्यविमूढताको सिकार भएको छसद्भावना पार्टी -आनन्दीदेवी) भने जनआन्दोलनपछिलोकतान्त्रिक धारको एक कमजोर विकल्प अवश्य थियोतर हालैको विवादास्पद एकतापछि यो पार्टीमधेसी समस्याको घाटे वैद्यमात्र भएको जनमोर्चाले झन् मधेसको अन्तरमन -?) नै बुझेरसंविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा संघीयताविरुद्ध एकात्मकताको पक्षमा जनमत नै बनाउने भनिसकेको आज मधेसमा कुनै सशक्त नागरिक समाज छैन काठमाडौंका नागरिक समाजमा मधेसीहरूको कुनै भूमिकास्वीकार नगरिएकोले मधेसमा यसको कुनै पहुँच बन्न सकेनमानवअधिकारवादीको कार्यक्षेत्र पनि मधेसभएनजनआन्दोलनपछि खुम्चेर बस्नुपरेको नेपाली सेनाले मधेसको जागरणलाई मुलुकको विखण्डनकोप्रयास भन्दै यही निहँुमा मुलुकको अखण्डता रक्षकको रूपमा आफूलाई जगाउने औचित्य खोजिरहेको देशको जनसंख्याको आधी भाग बस्ने मधेसमा राजनीतिक दल, सत्ता, सेना नागरिक समाजको चिन्तन एवंक्रियाशीलताको अवस्था यही होमधेसलाई कांग्रेस, एमालेजस्ता संसदवादी दलले वर्षौंसम्म आफ्नाआधारक्षेत्र मानेका थिएमाओवादीको नजरमा पनि मधेस मुलुकको टाउको राजधानीलाई हान्ने ढाड थियोसबैले मधेसमा Ïनो प्रभावलाई कायम नराखी सिंहदरबारलाई हासिल गर्न नसक्ने भन्थेयही मधेस आज राजनीतिक दलका लागि एक परजीवी एवं अविश्वसनीय भूभाग, रूपान्तरित राज्यसत्ताको नजरमा दमनबाट मात्र उपचार गरिनसक्ने रोग, नयाँ सत्ताको नजरमा सामन्तवादी र साम्राज्यवादीको इसारामा काम गर्ने अपराधीको क्रियास्थल, नेपाली सेनाका लागि उर्लंदो विखण्डनलाई रोक्ने नाममा आफ्नो पुनरुत्थान हुने माध्यम, उत्तरी उकालावासीका लागि तलको असुरक्षित वासस्थल करुण हृदयवाला सर्वजाति- समभाववादीका लागि अहिले सामाजिक विद्वेसको वेदनाभूमि भएको

जातीय, भाषिक तथा क्षेत्रगत समुदायबाट राज्यप्रदत्त विभेदविरुद्ध राज्ययन्त्रमा न्यायपूर्णसहभागिताका लागि आवाज उठाएको मुलुककै पहिलो क्षेत्र मधेस होमधेसमा ०१४ मा भएको भाषाआन्दोलनपछि कम्युनिष्टहरूले मधेसको समस्यालाई शास्त्रीय माक्र्ससेली चिन्तनअनुसार "वर्गीय" रूपमा विश्लेषण गर्दै मधेसको जागरणलाई नेपाली राज्यसत्ताझैं प्रारम्भदेखि नै मुलुक विखण्डनको सूत्रमाहेरेतर यसको तीन दशकपछि नेपालका माओवादीले भने श्रीलंकाको तमिल सशक्तताबाट लोभिएर उत्तरीभारतका राज्यमा भएको "वर्गीय चिन्तनको घोर पतन"बाट चेतेर पहाडमा जनजाति दलित तथा तराईमामधेसीमा संगठन निर्माणका लागि जातीय मुक्तिको एजेन्डालाई रणनीति बनाएअरू कम्युनिष्टले भनेयतिन्जेल मधेसलाई जनवर्गीय विषयमात्र ठानिरहे, जबकि गैरकम्युनिष्ट फाँटमा मधेसको सवाललाईअगाडि सारेर राजनीति गर्नेहरूले केही अपवादबाहेक विभिन्न पार्टीमा मधेसी अनुहारमात्र देखाउने भएयिनीहरूले मधेस समस्याको पहिचान गर्न सकेनन्सबल संगठनात्मक ढाँचासाथ मधेसमा उपस्थित भएनन्नत मधेसी आबद्धताको विकास गरेविभिन्न पार्टीमा रहेर मधेसलाई सबल नेतृत्व दिन सकेनन्तत्कालीन प्रतिनिधिसभाको कुल २०५ सदस्य संख्यामध्ये मधेसमा ८८ सिट थियोप्रतिनिधिसभाकोतीनवटै निर्वाचन परिणामअनुसार २० प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी मधेसी किमार्थ पनि जित्न नसकिने यथार्थबिर्सेर गजेन्द्रनारायण सिंहले चुनावमा संसदको "आधी सिट जितेर सरकार बनाउने" अव्यावहारिक सपनाबेचेयस सर्वथा असम्भव नारालाई मात दिन राजनीतिक दलहरूले १५ वर्षसम्म मधेसका समस्या भनेकैनागरिकताको समस्या" हो भनी अपव्याख्या गर्दै मधेसका जायज मागबाट विमुख रहेनागरिकताको सवालसर्वसम्मतिको अभावमा सरकारका लागि संविधान संशोधनको एजेन्डा बनाउन नसकिएको बाध्यता प्रतिपक्षका लागि सत्तापक्षको देश बेच्ने कार्यको रूपमा प्रचारित भइरह्योवास्तवमा जयकृष्णगोइतको आँखा पूरै रातो नहुन्जेलसम्म मधेस समस्याको गर्भस्थ भार पुरानो सत्ता, नयाँ सत्ता, दल, । " दलका दास मधेसी नेताहर, नागरिक समाज कसैले पनि ठम्याउन सकेनन्

हिजो पनि मुलुक र मधेस हिंसामय थियो । आज मधेसमात्र डरलाग्दो हिंसामय छ हिजो राजनीतिक ध्येयका लागि सुरु गरिएको हिंसाको तापमा तातिएको मधेसको हिंसा अब सामाजिक-राजनीतिक उद्देश्य र अपराधको समिश्रति प्रयोगशाला भएको छसरदर २२ किमिचौडाइ १६ सय किमि लामो मधेसमा उत्तर-पूर्वी उच्चक्षेत्रबाट सशस्त्र लिम्बुवान खम्बुवान दक्षिणीओरालोमा झरेका छन्माओवादीका केन्द्रीय सदस्य गोपाल खुम्बु यसका जन्मदातामध्ये भए पनि यससवाललाई उनले माओवादी मूलधारमा राजनीतीकरण गर्न सकेनन्मधेसको पूर्व-दक्षिणी भागमामाओवादीहरू कोचिला प्रदेशको भेष धारण गरेका छन्लामो समयसम्म सिलिगुडी प्रवासमा रही माओवादीनेता मोहन वैद्यले मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्तिमोर्चा सँगसँगै विरोधाभाष रूपमा कोचिला प्रदेशको मागलाईजन्माएकेही अघिमात्र माओवादी नेता रामबहादुर थापाले कोचिला मुक्तिमोर्चाको अधिवेशनको उद्घाटनगरेउनै मोहन वैद्यले नै हालका तराई जनतान्त्रिक मुक्तिमोर्चाका अध्यक्ष जयकृष्ण गोइतलाई माओवादीमा प्रवेश गराएको समयकै हाराहारीमा हालका मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमका अध्यक्ष उपेन्द्र यादवलाई समेत माओवादी पार्टीको सदस्यता दिने सन्दर्भमा मेची-काली तराई फाँटमा एकीकृत मधेसी स्वशासनको प्रत्याभूति दिएका थिए यसको केही पछिमात्र माओवादी अध्यक्षप्रचण्डले सर्लाहीमा मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्तिमोर्चाको विधिवत् उद्घाटन गर्दै मधेसमा जातीय होइन, वर्गीयमुक्तिको एजेन्डालाई अघि सारेत्यस भेलामा प्रचण्डले समग्र मधेसमा वर्गीय मुक्तिको प्रकल्पनाप्रस्तुत गर्दाका बखत उनैले पश्चिमी मधेसका थारू क्षेत्रमा जातीय मुक्तिका लागि खडा गरिएको थारूवानमुक्तिमोर्चाको गठन औचित्यबारे केही भनेनन्यहींबाट प्रचण्डको नाम माओवादी मधेसीहरूलाई बिझ्नथालेको होजयकृष्ण गोइतको आँखा राताम्य हुँदै गएको देखेपछि प्रचण्डले मधेसी राष्ट्रियमुक्तिमोर्चालाई मध्यमधेसको दक्षिणमा मिथिलाञ्चलको नाममा खुम्च्याए यसको समानान्तर उत्तरकोभित्री मधेसका क्षेत्रमा माझी राष्ट्रिय मुक्तिमोर्चा जन्माएयस दृश्यलाई टुलुटुलु हेर्ने "पहिले मधेसी अनि माओवादी" स्वभावका मातृका यादवको बाध्यता थियो, जुन अहिले निकास खोज्दैछ

सुदूर पश्चिममा उत्तरी पर्वतीय क्षेत्रकाको बहुलता रहेको माओवादी नेतृत्व पंक्तिले सत्तरी प्रतिशतपर्वते जनसंख्याको छायामा सधैं पहाडी मुखापेक्षी बनाइराख्न त्यस क्षेत्रका लगभग तीस प्रतिशतजनसंख्या भएका थारूका लागि थारूवान प्रदेशको प्रस्तावित प्रारूपलाई संगठित पारेफेरि अहिले यसैकोसमानान्तर दक्षिणी सीमावर्ती क्षेत्रमा मुसलमान मुक्तिमोर्चा जन्माएका छन्मुसलमानमुक्तिमोर्चालाई मधेसको सीमावर्ती दक्षिणी भागमा केन्दि्रत गरी मधेसलाई अर्को विखण्डन -डिभाइड इनस्टि्रप्स) गर्न चाहेको माओवादी सोचको थारूवान मुक्तिमोर्चाका अध्यक्ष तथा हालका विधायक रामचरणचौधरीले भलै नबुझुन्, तर माओवादीबाट अलग्गिएका रोशन थारूले संगठित गर्नलागेको सशस्त्र समूहको योएक एजेन्डा बन्नेछन्यता थारू कल्याणकारी सभाले पनि राज्यको पुनःसंरचनालाई एजेन्डा बनाएको थारू कल्याणकारी सभाको गर्भबाट झापादेखि महाकालीसम्मको मधेसको उत्तरी चुरे फेदको थारू बसोबास, जोपूर्व-पश्चिम राजमार्गको बढी उत्तर कम दक्षिणमा , यस क्षेत्रलाई थरूहट राज्य बनाउनुपर्ने मागअगाडि आएको चुरे मुनिका केही भावर क्षेत्रलाई अपवाद नमान्ने हो भने "थरूहट" भनी मागिएका यहीक्षेत्रमा "चुरेभावर प्रदेश"को स्थापनाका लागि चुरेभावर एकता समाज सात दलको लगानीमा हिंसाको राजनीतिलाई दुरुत्साहन दिनथालेको भर्खरै एक माओवादी नेताले चुरेभावर एकता समाजलाई "नेका, एमाले गृह मन्त्रालयले सञ्चालन गरेको" बताएका छन् । यस एकता समाजका अध्यक्ष नेका पृष्ठभूमिका संगठन प्रमुख एमाले पृष्ठभूमिका रहे पनि यसले विभिन्न स्थानमा माओवादीले प्रयोग गर्दै आइरहेका अत्याधुनिक हतियार पाएको प्रमाणित यसका साथै प्रातःस्मरणीय हुँदैगएका तराई जनतान्त्रिक मुक्तिमोर्चाहरू तराई टाइगर्स, कोब्रा तथा अन्य सेनामेनाहरूले आफ्नोसंघर्षको मुख्य शत्रुको निर्धारणसमेत गर्न नसकेर कुनै बेला मधेसी सशस्त्र समूहबीच आपसमै कहिले मधेसमा परस्पर जातीय प्रतिशोध प्रतिहिंसामा आफूलाई ढालिसकेका छन्आज मधेसमाभइरहेको असरोकारको व्यक्तिलक्ष्यित हिंसा शस्त्रबलको अन्यायपूर्ण प्रयोगबाट गरिने अर्थोपार्जनको कार्य वस्तुतः "राज्यविरुद्ध जनयुद्ध" नै हो भनी प्रमाणित गर्नुपर्ने गुरुत्तरदायित्वमधेसका सशस्त्र समूहले लिनुपर्ने भएको

मधेस द्वन्द्वका कारक तत्त्वको लामो चर्चा हुनसक्छअहिले मधेसमा भइरहेका घटना ठीक-बेठीक भन्नेदाबी भिन्नाभिनै हुनसक्छन्मुलुक भित्रका राजनीतिक पक्ष, तिनका पृष्ठपोषक, विभिन्न शक्तिकेन्द्रतथा विदेशी शक्तिका लागि उनीहरूको राजनीतिक-सामरिक अभीष्ट पूर्तिको सन्दर्भमा मधेसका घटनाक्रमसहयात्री-सहयोगी हुनसक्लान्अहिलेको मधेसको अवस्था विभिन्न पार्टीका मधेसीका लागि पार्टीभित्रैमानमर्यादा पाउने अवसर हुनसक्छराजाको लागि संविधानसभा निर्वाचन रोक्ने उपाय माओवादीको लागिनिर्वाचन नटेक्दै राजा हटाउने उपक्रम हुनसक्छ मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमले अहिले गोप्य रूपमा प्रधानमन्त्रीलाई प्रस्ताव गरेअनुसार व्यवस्थापिका संसदमा तीस सिट पड्काउने माओवादी शैलीको उनको "महान छलाङ" पनि हुनसक्छ सेनाको निम्ति मुलुकको अखण्डता जोगाउने नाममाआत्मश्लाघा जगाउने आधार हुनसक्छधेरैका लागि अनेकन प्राप्ति हुनसक्छ, वर्तमान मधेसकोयथास्थितिमातर आजको मधेसको सर्वथा महत्त्वपूर्ण सत्य भने मधेस शेष मुलुकसँग सामाजिक- राजनीतिक-सांस्कृतिक सांगठनिक ऐक्यबद्धताको सन्दर्भमा बिलगाव -डिट्याचमेन्ट) को चरमतिर बढ्दै गएको सत्य होमधेसको यस प्रक्रियाले कसैको लागि पनि सजिलो बाटो दिएको छैन

मधेसमा पार्टी मान्यता, नेतृत्वको प्रभाव, दर्शन वा विचारको सान्दर्भिकता, समस्याहरूको शान्तिपूर्णसमाधानका लागि अवसरको विकास, नयाँ सम्भावनाका साथ जनसंगठनको निर्माण यी सबै आशा गम्भीरक्षयीकरणको तीव्र क्रममा छन् बितेका १३ वर्षमा १४ हजार मानिसको हत्या भई, मुलुकको ८० प्रतिशत भूभाग शस्त्रबलबाट कब्जा गरेर, बसमा सवार अबोध बालकदेखि आकाशमा उडेका शस्त्रसज्जित हेलिकप्टरसमेत ढालेर पनि सामन्तशाहीलाई ढाल्न नसकेको माओवादीको जनयुद्धभन्दा १९ दिनको शान्तिपूर्ण जनआन्दोलन निणर्ायक भएको वर्षदिन अघिको आफ्नैमुलुकको सत्यलाई उदाहरणको रूपमा मधेससम्म पुर्याउने सबै खाले क्षमता अहिले मुलुक तथा मधेसमासमाप्त भएको भू-सतहमा अत्यधिक ताप उत्पन्न भएर वायुको चाप घट्न गई त्यसलाई पुर्न बन्नेवायुको चक्रपात, यसलाई मधेसमा "बिरो" भनिन्छ, बिरोले सतहको सबै थोकलाई उडाएर लानुअघि मधेस समस्या समाधानका लागि आन्दोलनको एजेन्डासहित राजनीतिक क्षेत्रबाट जनआन्दोलनको सत्य सन्देश मधेसमा पुर्याउन निणर्ायक भूमिका खेल्नुपर्ने बेला आएको


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Bhutanese refugees flee camps in droves
Nobody can stop Nov polls: Minister Mahara
Four JTMM factions in Terai now another splinter group from the Janatantrick Terai Mukti Morcha -Goit (JTMM-G) has surfaced. .... the group announced a 21-member central committee led by one Prithvi Raj Singh. .... the Liberation Tigers of Terai Ilam (LTTI), named Mohammad Ziya-ul as the secretary, Swamiji as the in-charge of eastern command, Arjun Thakur as the in-charge of western command ..... four hundred cadres and armed combatants who parted ways with the JTMM-G under the leadership of Swamiji ..... six-point demand-- autonomy with right to self-rule, demarcation of the whole Terai as one single federal state, federal republic, recognition of all those living in Terai except feudal elements as Terai inhabitants, conservation of culture of the Terai and gender equality
Koirala, Deuba on expressway to party unity
कांग्रेस एकता छिट्टै
संघीय संरचनामा अर्थमन्त्री असहमत अर्थमन्त्री डा. रामशरण महतले जात र क्षेत्रको आधारमा हुने संघीय संरचनाप्रति आफू असहमत रहेको बताएका छन् । ..... 'मुलुक संघीय हुनेबित्तिकै जातीय र क्षेत्रीय समस्या समाधान हुन सक्दैन,' उनले भने- 'संघीय पुनःसंरचना सजिलो छैन, मुलुकलाई एक गर्न पनि सक्छ, टुक्राटुक्रा पार्न पनि सक्छ ।' .... आठ दलले संघीय संरचना मुलुकको आवश्यकता हो कि हैन भन्ने राम्रोसँग छलफल नगरी निर्णय गरेको महतले आरोप लगाए । 'संघीय संरचना स्वीकार गरेपछि कस्तो स्वरूप हुने भन्ने बहस गरी सहमतिमा पुग्नुपर्छ,' उनले भने ।
समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको माग
दलित बस्तीमा आक्रमण
मधेस आन्दोलनका आग्रह

Sunday, August 26, 2007

An Open Letter To NAC



Goal Has To Be To Stay As One Country
तीन लाखले सरकारी जागीर खाने, तीन करोड कता जाने?
Mantra: Economic Revolution

Dear Ambikaji.

Sorry it took me a while, but this is in response to your email that said "NAC is open to new ideas" that was a response to my blog post Democracy, Transparency, And The Nepali Diaspora.

I am glad you took the time to write. Here is my suggestion. (Surfacing)

Globalization and the internet are the two megatrends of these times. People are going to move around. Diasporas are going to be created. The concept of immigration has to be reimagined.

The First Major Revolution Of The 21st Century Happened In Nepal

We Nepalis did something amazing during the April Revolution 2006 and its second chapter, the Madhesi Kranti early this year. We invented nonviolent militancy.

Like I said to Howard Dean not longer after the April Revolution, "Governor, Iraq has 27 million people and Nepal has 27 million people. We have to spread democracy like in Nepal, not like in Iraq."

There have been many theories about who should get credit for the April Revolution. To ask that very question is to not understand the April Revolution and how it was brought about. Everyone anywhere on earth who participated should get credit. The April Revolution was like the physical universe. There was no center. But the primary credit goes to those who actually came out into the streets in large numbers.

The reason I am trying so hard to establish the April Revolution's due place in world history is to suggest we did it, and we can do something equally wonderful for the diaspora itself.

Some say there are 120,000 Nepalis in America, some say there are 200,000. Let's assume there are 150,000. If we had to start from scratch, how would we organize that crowd?

I believe some basic principles will have to be established. I propose two simple ones. One, democracy. Two, transparency.

One person, one vote, one voice: that is what democracy means. Equality is a political concept. All human beings are equal. That premise has to be the starting point.

The barrier to entry for Nepalis to join existing organizations and launch new ones should be as low as possible. The barrier to entry for new and old Nepali organizations in America to join NAC - the closest thing to what we have as an umbrella organization - should be as low as possible.

Organizations may or may not register with the American state. Those who might register might or might not seek non-profit status. It is all good. It is for the individual organization to decide. But no matter what course an organization chooses, one person, one vote is still valid. The concept of all human beings being equal is still valid.

Transparency is necessarily to do with the internet in this day and age. Creating and hosting a website is free at Google Pages. Devnagari script options are available: Blogger, Script. There is no excuse for any Nepali organization in America to not have an online presence.

All organizations should have a web presence. All book keeping of all organizations should be transparent. All decision making should be transparent. All it would take is to take and publish minutes of the key meetings.

Once you bring this about, NAC is going to have many more member organizations. And existing member organizations are going to have to change the way they operate, slightly.

NAC leadership will have to be elected by all member organizations. I don't know if it happens every year or every two years right now. But the only democratic way would be to say each member organization's voting weight is the total number of members it has. And that gets verified by the organization listing all its members and at least one piece of contact information for each at its website, either email address, or phone number or snail mail address.

There are several large and many small Nepali organizations all across America that are not members of NAC. And there are some obvious regional rivalries among the various regional groupings. All those will have to be encouraged to consolidate. And NAC will have to partly take over the ANA Convention to give it added legitimacy. Regional conventions are no problem, the more the merrier. And those are for the regional organizations to do or not.

What I am doing is basically creating a mathematical postulate. What happens when you take democracy and transparency to its logical conclusion? What does the organizational model look like? People have the option to agree, or disagree and express those disagreements right here in the comments section. People might also exercise the option to ignore and continue with the same old, same old. I hope not.

I hope we can start a conversation and bring about some basic changes in the ways we organize ourselves. The most important immediate positive fallout of adopting the twin basic principles will be that forces will be created to make sure many many more Nepalis in America get organized.

Unless we get organized we can not improve our political situation locally. And we should. Why can't Nepalis vote in the city elections in New York? Makes no sense to me.

Our organizations have to become democratic, transparent and mass-based. There is work to be done at home before we can go out there and engage in the conversation that will empower us.

Personally I don't believe I would have any leadership ambitions within a reorganized NAC. My organization Hamro Nepal is a digital, global organization. It is not exactly a diaspora organization, we also have members in Nepal. But we might create a US chapter and become a member organization. My interest is in creating the democratic, transparect process, not in seeking a leadership role. I have neither the time nor the inclination.

A better organized diaspora could also play a more meaningful role in Nepal's economic revolution, to last decades. But my organization's insight there is that as long as Nepal can create a policy framework friendly to FDI - foreign direct investment - it can tap the regional and global financial markets, and so the Nepali diaspora's role could only be marginal, and to that end Hamro Nepal intends to organize an online think tank, to help create that policy framework.

The primary motivation for the diaspora has to be self interest, not some sorry feeling towards the Nepalis in Nepal. The diaspora has to organize because the diaspora intends to empower itself in its local habitats.

To summarize.
  1. NAC should reorganize itself as the umbrella organization for all Nepali organizations in America.
  2. All member organizations must be democratic and transparent.
  3. The voting weight of each member organization will be how many members it has.
I believe the proposal is simple but far reaching, and it has implications for the ongoing national debate on immigration. We have to become part of it. We have to help shape it. We have to seek allies among other communities and groups.

I hope this is the beginning of a meaningful conversation.

Thank you.

Paramendra Bhagat.

PS. And while we are at it, I would encourage you and others to come into the seed money round of my tech startup, I am accepting $500, 1K and 2K per person. I believe my company is the single best thing I can do for the Global South. My projection is 2K becomes 200K in 5-7 years. I am listing this baby on Nasdaq. Food, water, internet access: every human being deserves these three basics. There is a market way of getting there. Evey human being has mindspace arond which the advertising industry rotates. First World ra Third World beech ko khadal purne bhanekai internet le ho.

Barack In Brooklyn
DL21C Annual Summer Bash: Barack Won The Straw Poll



Goal Has To Be To Stay As One Country



The Primary Reason To Stay As One Country Is Economic

To break up countries is to go backwards in time. India and Pakistan broke up and they still don't have normal relations. Breaking Nepal into two might sour relations between the two new countries for perhaps a generation. Will that have been worth it? The goal of the Madhesi Movement is equality with the Pahadis, not animosity.

There are at least a few Madhesis in every village who have gone to far away countries like Malaysia and the Arab countries to work. If the Madhesis will go to far away countries, they will go to the hills, to Kathmandu, to India, as they do. And the people in the hills will come to the Terai to seek economic opportunities. That is normal. That is desired. That is a good thing. New York City is perhaps the best example of diversity making great economic sense. Culturally diverse economies are superior to ethnically homogeneous ones.

The French and the Germans are proud nationalists, they are proud people. They have long histories as separate peoples. But now they want to become one country, one economic unit, one Europe to counterbalance America on the global stage. When you advance, you integrate. Disintegration is going backwards in terms of progress.

Both Pahadis and Madhesis are better off economically if Nepal continues to be one country.

A Breakup, If Possible, Could Be Traumatic

I don't expect the armed Madhesi groups to approach the military and political sophistication of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka, not even close, because they are not land locked and there is a rich Tamil diaspora, and Sri Lanka has still not become two countries after decades of bloody civil war.

It is better to have inequality than to have a civil war. Violence is out of question.

But the thing is we don't have to put up with inequality. We have some very good political options to end inequality.

But, say, a political, nonviolent breakup were possible, should we go for it? If we could break up like Czechoslovakia, should we do it? They were a richer country, they did not have desperate poverty. Peaceful breakup can still be traumatic. There will have to be negotiations on dividing national wealth, national debt. We will need two new currencies. That would be very messy to bring that about. The rivers that flood the Terai every year are designed for north-south, not east-west management.

Even if a nonviolent breakup were possible, we should not go for it.

And also, it would be highly problematic to draw the boundaries for the new countries. One third of the population in the Terai is Pahadi by now.

Pahadi Prejudice Is Very Real

Every Madhesi knows that. Pahadis want Madhesis to continue to have second class status in the political parties, in the bureaucracy, in the army, in the diaspora. Pahadis want Madhesis to have second class status right there in the Terai.

Pahadi politicians never ceased to disrespect the historic Madhesi Kranti that was the second chapter of the April Revolution itself.

Our grievances are very real.

Clarity And Organization Needed

It is hard for the powerless and the oppressed to get organized. The best and the brightest have had to strike compromises with the ruling class to make forward progress in life. They have often paid huge emotional prices in the process.

Before the Madhesi Kranti, the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum was a small NGO that had a few leaders and members in several of the Terai districts. It is no wonder the MJF was not able to provide better leadership than it did. Perhaps the movement should only have concluded after the Prime Minister had agreed to federalism and completely proportional elections to the constituent assembly and to declaring martyrs of the movement and compensation to the injured and the dead. But we did not know. We did not know any better. We lacked clarity, and that is not a problem. We can attempt clarity of vision now. We lacked organization then. We can attempt better, far more sophisticated organization now.

Today the MJF has more than 100,000 members and organizations in all Terai districts and in Kathmandu valley.

If Madhesis Can Die, They Can Vote

The Madhesis are now wide awake. They performed out in the streets during the Madhesi Kranti. They will surely perform at the ballot box.

Power Flows Through The Ballot Box

Madhesi equality is our goal. But our only vehicle is the democratic process. Nonviolence is the only option. And that is the best option, the most effective.

Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Upendra Yadav

It is not Ram Raja Prasadi Singh, it is not the Sadbhavana. It is MJF and Upendra Yadav in the lead of the Madhesi Movement. Upendra Yadav must take the lead in trying to forge together a Madhesi Alliance. It is going to be hard to bring the armed Madhesi groups along, but effort has to be made. The Sadbhavana might prefer to continue to be part of the eight party alliance rather than come along for some kind of a Madhesi alliance, but an effort has to be made to bring them along.

Upendra Yadav and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum have to continue to lead the Madhesi Movement.

November 22

If you can get the vast majority of Madhesis to boycott the November 22 elections peacefully, which would be the only legitimate way to boycott it, you can get a vast majority of Madhesis to vote for you on that day. Getting them to vote is the superior option.

The beauty of democracy and the electoral process is when the Pahadi Bahuns in power make sense and give us equality, we get equality, but when they keep talking crap, we get to turn their crap into election issues and we get to beat them at the ballot box.

The goal of the Madhesi Movement should be to wipe out the existence of the Pahadi parties from the Madhesh. Any so-called national political party whose central committee is not at least one third Madhesi should have no place whatsoever in the Madhesh.

Maybe it is good that we are going to have electoral constituencies. That will give us an opportunity to make sure we bring to an end the political careers of the likes of Girija Koirala and Madhav Nepal and any other Pahadi central leaders from those parties that might bother to contest from the Madhesh.

Can we defeat Girija in Morang and Sunsari? Can we defeat Madhav Nepal in Bara? The Madhesi Movement should take that up as one of its challenges. They should be made to pay the price for disrespecting the Madhesi Kranti.

240 Seats For Proportional Election

The four categories of people that we need to prepare our list of 240, they all exist in the Terai. We should be able to prepare a full list of 240 individuals. Yes, we have Dalits. Yes, we have Janajatis. Tharus, Dhimals, Satars, they are all Janajati. There are Pahadi Bahun Chhetris who have lived in the Terai for generations and who claim they are also Madhesi. Put them in the Bahun Chhetri category.

No party will secure more than 15% of the votes on November 22. The MJF has the option to emerge one of the largest parties in the country. It will easily get more than 10% of the votes. If we work hard enough, we might even emerge the largest party on the national scene.

Power Is With The People, Not With The Bahuns In Power

We want respect for the martyrs and the injured of the Madhesi Kranti. The power to give that respect is with the people, not the sick Bahuns in power. We want a Madhesh state. We go to the people. Ek Madhesh, Ek Pradhesh. That has to be the one point slogan of the Madhesi Alliance during the election campaign.

Chunawi Mahasangram: The Electoral Battlefield

The MJF needs to talk to all armed Madhesi groups. They should all get behind the Madhesi Alliance candidates for the November 22 elections. They should all call a ceasefire from now until then. They should all help with the election campaign. After the election, the MJF gets into power, and it holds respectful dialogue with all armed Madhesi groups. We need this arrangement to take the Madhesi Movement to the next level.

Girija ka jamanat japt karo. Madhav ka jamanat japt karo.

Long Term Goal: South Asian Economic Union

We don't want to break Nepal into two, but we do intend to make Nepal part of a South Asian economic union.

तीन लाखले सरकारी जागीर खाने, तीन करोड कता जाने?
Upendra Yadav Book 2
Upendra Yadav Book 1
Madhesi Alliance Needed
एक मधेश एक प्रदेश
मधेशी अान्दोलनको गन्तव्य: नभम्बर चुनाव

On The Web

Dissolution of Czechoslovakia - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The dissolution of Czechoslovakia refers to the dissolution of the former country of Czechoslovakia into the nations of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, which took effect on January 1, 1993. It is often referred to as the "Velvet Divorce" Czechoslovakia. A slight majority of Slovaks, however, advocated a looser form of co-existence or complete independence and ..... By the 1990s, in economic terms, the Czech Republic's GDP per capita was some 20% higher than Slovakia's, but its long-run GDP growth was lower. Money transfers from the Czech budget to Slovakia, which had been the rule in the past, were stopped in January 1991. ...... Many Czechs and Slovaks desired the continued existence of a federalsovereignty. In November 1992, for example, a poll found that 49% of Slovaks and 50% Czechs were against the move, while 40% of Slovaks favored it. The poll also found that 41% of Czechs and 49% of Slovaks said the question should have been put to a referendum. ....... Ultimately, the country's fate was decided by politicians. In 1992, the Czech public elected Václav Klaus and others who demanded either an even tighter federation ("viable federation") or two independent states. Vladimír Mečiar and other leading Slovak politicians of the day wanted a kind of confederation. The two sides opened frequent and intense negotiations in June. On July 17, the Slovak parliament adopted the Declaration of independence of the Slovak nation. Six days later, politicians decided to dissolve Czechoslovakia at a meeting in Bratislava. ...... The goal of negotiations switched to achieving a peaceful division. On November 25, the federal parliament adopted the Constitutional law on the end of existence of Czechoslovakia, which stated that with the expiry of December 31, 1992, the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic shall cease to exist and provided for the necessary technical details. ...... The separation occurred without violence, and was thus said to be "velvet", much like the "Velvet revolution" which preceded it, which was accomplished through massive peaceful demonstrations and actions. This contrasts with the often-violent breakup of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. .............. Most of federal assets were divided in the ratio 2 to 1 (the approximate ratio between the Czech and Slovak population within Czechoslovakia), including army equipment, rail and airliner infrastructure. Some minor disputes (e.g. about gold reserves stored in Prague, federal know-how valuation) lasted for a few years after dissolution. The public in both countries was fairly uninterested in these disputes and their outcome. ........ Initially the old Czechoslovak currency, the Czechoslovak koruna, was still used in both countries (monetary union). Fears of economic loss on Czech side caused the two states to adopt two national currencies as early as 8 February 1993. At the beginning the currencies had an equal exchange rate, but later on, for most of the time, the value of the Slovak koruna was lower than that of the Czech koruna (up to cca 30%, in 2004 around 25%-27%, currently about 20%). ........ The dissolution had some negative impact on the two economies, especially in 1993, as traditional links needed to accommodate the bureaucracy of international trade were severed, but the impact was considerably lower than expected by many people. ...... The hopes that dissolution would quickly start an era of high economic growth in the Czech Republic (without the need to "sponsor the less developed Slovakia") proved plainly wrong or highly exaggerated. Also, the hope of a stand-alone, unexploited Slovakia becoming a new "economic tiger" was partially unfounded. .......... People of both countries were allowed to cross the border without a passport and were allowed to work anywhere without the need to obtain an official permit (this was used mainly by Slovaks working in the Czech Republic). ...... In Slovakia, however, most cable TV providers offer Czech TV channels, and for economic reasons, many TV programmes on Slovak TV channels are still dubbed into Czech, some films in cinemas are subtitled in Czech and there are far more Czech-language books and periodicals on the market than before the divorce. ...... After a transition period of roughly four years, during which the relations between the states could be characterised as a "post-divorce trauma", the present relations between Czechs and Slovaks, as many people point out, are probably better than they have ever been. ....... After a short interruption, Slovakia's mountains are again the target of a growing number of Czech tourists.
Lycos iQ | Why did Czechoslovakia split? And when?
the split, the decision largely made by “political elites,” namely Vaclav Klaus (Czech) and Vladimir Meciar (Slovak), who then proceeded to become Prime Ministers of the newly independent countries. There was no referendum and opinion polls showed that people were largely ambivalent on the issue. ..... Slovakia overwhelmingly Catholic, while the Czechs have a large Protestant minority.
Reflections on the split of Czechoslovakia, ten years on - 27-12 ...
what brought about the demise of the federal republic the two nations had shared since its foundation in 1918. ...... In the 1992 elections the two republics went in completely different directions. The Civic Democrats, headed by Vaclav Klaus, won the elections in the Czech lands and Vladimir Meciar's Movement for a Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) won in Slovakia. ...... "I communicated with Vladimir Meciar, at one time we were both prime ministers and I have to say it was tragic because we couldn't find a common ground. He was not a partner you could take seriously, you couldn't take him for his word, he changed his positions on issues all the time, and believed only the latest versions of what he said. I can't understand it. Of course Vladimir Meciar made it easier for those on both the Czech and Slovak sides to split up the state, by insisting on terms that could never be met. Whatever motive he might have had, he ensured that the state would have to break up. An absolutely inconsistent personality with inconsistent demands." ....... a poll conducted just before the critical elections of June 1992 showed that 64 percent of respondents in the Czech Republic and 72 percent of those in Slovakia categorised mutual relations as very good or rather good. Public opinion then was against the separation of Czechoslovakia. ....... Vladimir Meciar, who made constantly increasing demands, putting the continued existence of Czechoslovakia in jeopardy. On the Czech side, the reluctance of Vaclav Klaus to give in to demands made by Slovak politicians - in order to maintain the transformation process to a market economy - further contributed to the split. Both politicians stuck to their own goals throughout the negotiation process and as a result gained political power through the break-up of Czechoslovakia. ........ Even though opposition parties in the Federal Assembly were against the break-up of the state they could do nothing to prevent it. In the end, despite the absence of a referendum or any kind of national consensus, the Czechoslovak state ceased to exist at the beginning of January, 1993.
Monetary separation sealed split of Czechoslovakia ten years ago ...
Less than six weeks after Czechoslovakia split up on the 1st of January, 1993, two new currencies emerged, replacing the Czechoslovak crown which had existed since 1919. The two countries divided their monetary assets, liabilities and reserves according to a ratio of two to one in favour of the Czech Republic. After monetary separation was publicly announced, all payments between the two new countries stopped and border controls were stepped up to prevent transfers of cash. The new currencies became valid on February 8, ten years ago. ....... If nothing else during the break-up, monetary separation certainly did have an effect on every person in this country. The public was given a deadline in which to deposit old bills in bank accounts, so that they could be marked by a stamp making them valid in the new state. Coins and small denomination notes without stamps were still in use several months after the separation, accounting for only about three percent of the total money in circulation. Gradually, the stamped banknotes were replaced by brand new Czech and Slovak notes. In the Czech Republic the whole process was completed by the end of August 1993. For a short while the exchange rate of the Czech and Slovak crowns was 1:1, but after a few months the Slovak crown depreciated by ten percent. Today one Czech crown buys approximately 1.3 Slovak crowns. ......... There are almost 250 million banknotes and 2.4 billion coins in circulation in the country, their total weight being 5,000 metric tonnes. ...... The Czech crown is celebrating its 10th anniversary these days but it is unlikely that it will survive another decade. After the Czech Republic's accession to the European Union, it will be replaced by the common European currency, according to some plans that could happen as early as in 2007.
The Split of Czechoslovakia: A Defeat or a Victory? — Jiří Pehe
The split of Czechoslovakia on January 1, 1993 was not entirely inevitable, but the political and economic costs of keeping the country together would have been extremely high. ...... Incompatible political spectrums after the 1992 elections .... Czech and Slovak nationalism ... A lack of democratic experience in both countries ..... The Slovaks did not embrace the concept of Czechoslovakism, which was advocated by Czech leaders after 1918. Although many appreciated economic and educational assistance that the Czech lands offered during the first republic (and before), they were critical of the patronizing attitudes of many Czech leaders and the unwillingness of Czech political elites to grant Slovakia more autonomy. ...... The Slovaks, on the other hand, complained of Pragocentrism, which did not diminish even during the communist era. ..... First, there was initially a serious lack of clarity with regard to the division of powers between institutions on the republican level and federal institutions. Second, the upper house of the Federal Assembly—the House of Nations—could in effect block meaningful reforms. ....... The growing inability of the Federal Assembly to pass necessary federal laws was perhaps the most visible symbol of a growing decision-making paralysis. At the same time, power was gradually shifting from the federal government to the republican governments. The authority of the country’s president was also gradually shrinking. ....... after the June 1990 elections—it became obvious that the two republics were developing different political spectrums. ....... In the 1992 elections, political parties that described themselves as center-right prevailed in the Czech Republic, while leftist and nationalist parties were the winners in Slovakia. It became virtually impossible to create a functioning federal government. ........ the Czechs had a privileged position in the two-state federation, in which the other nation was half the size of the Czech nation. ...... while no significant Czech political parties actively strove for independence or greater autonomy, many Czech politicians were intellectually invested in the idea of Czechoslovakia in which the Czechs—by definition—are the more senior nation. ....... Czech nationalism was based on the belief that the Czechs are superior—more advanced, more urbanized .....Both Czech politicians and the public did not abandon the traditional Czech paternalism in attitudes toward Slovakia after 1989. ....... Some of the most important Czech politicians, including President Vaclav Havel, did not read the situation in Slovakia well, partly owing to the fact that they, as former dissidents, maintained contacts mainly with their dissident counterparts, who were predominantly pro-federalist. ......... the growing Czech-Slovak rift could have been solved by giving the Slovaks more autonomy, or by transforming the federation into a confederation. The Belgian or the Canadian models of coexistence (however imperfect) of two nations within one state could have been used ......... Democratic solutions were not explored to the utmost. ...... the dissolution of Czechoslovakia was a success in terms of the mechanisms and procedures used. It was a peaceful, negotiated process that did not produce any of the upheavals and bloody conflicts we witnessed in the former Yugoslavia or some parts of the Soviet Union. ........ the decision not to hold a referendum was fortunate. ..... First, in a country consisting of two nations of unequal size, one referendum, on a federal level only, would not work. Holding two referendums, one in each republic, was also problematic, as no one seemed to know what would happen if one republic voted in favor of the country’s split and another would be against it. ....... Public opinion and politicians were divided: some people supported the idea of a federation, some campaigned for a confederation, and others even advocated the renewal of a unitary state. There were also proposals to turn Czechoslovakia into a three-state federation, consisting of Bohemia, Moravia-Silesia, and Slovakia. ........ the Federal Assembly in the end approved the dissolution of the federation (and itself), and that the two sides agreed on a civilized division of federal assets (and eventually) also the split of the monetary union. .......... Slovakia’s slide into a semi-authoritarian regime under Prime Minister Meciar also had a negative impact on regional cooperation ...... a certain asymmetry in terms of international stature for the Czechs and the Slovaks after the split. ..... The international stature of the Czech Republic began to improve visibly only after the country’s admission to NATO in 1999. .... the Czech Republic became almost ethnically homogenous .... Although some 300,000 Slovaks stayed in the Czech Republic after the split, most of them were quite assimilated and never came to play the role of an ethnic minority. It can be argued that the ethnic homogenization of the Czech Republic further strengthened the traditional Czech provincialism. ........ Slovakia, on the other hand, became the most multicultural and multiethnic country in Central Europe. Ethnic Hungarians accounted for about 10 percent of its population, and the numbers of Roma are estimated at 300,000 to 500,000. Under the nationalist government of Meciar, Slovakia had problems with its minorities, but it seems that the need of various ethnic groups to coexist in the end contributed to improvements in Slovakia’s political culture. ....... The split of Czechoslovakia worked better for Slovakia, it seems, than for the Czechs. Many Czechs accepted the dissolution of Czechoslovakia as something of a defeat, a partial loss of their national identity. ...... The split has provoked a strange brand of Czech nationalism, which is a mixture of the idea of Czech exceptionalism, on the one hand, and the provincial xenophobia of a small nation, afraid of a large neighbor, on the other. Much of the anti-European rhetoric in Czech politics today is driven either by the belief that “we could do it better than Europe” or by the fear of Europe, especially Germany. The Slovaks appear to be, at least at this point, a more confident nation, although Slovakia suffers from its own version of provincialism and, lately, also the belief in its own exceptionality. ....... The role of the EU has been tremendously important and positive. It is almost certain that without EU integration, the story of the split could have, overall, turned out to be a failure, rather than a success, for both nations.
Survey 14 years after the split of Czechoslovakia | ABC Prague
More than a half of Czech people think that the division was a good step. To be exact, 56 % of people agree with the split, while in 1993 only every fourth person (25%) agreed. About 1/3 of Czech people (34%) now don’t agree with the split, while in 1993 it was 53 %. ..... 47 % of Czech people believe that the relations between Czech and Slovak inhabitants are the same as before the split. 25% think the relations are better, 18% think that they are worse.
Some aspects of the Czech Slovak split - political disintegration ...
The two countries were to co-operate in the monetary field, but after 38 days the currencies were split. When new different banknotes were printed thousands of Slovaks rushed across the Czech border to have their old notes stamped as Czech. From the beginning it was known that the Czechs would do much better than the Slovaks. Everyone knew too that there would be much more unemployment in Slovakia so it was good to be able to claim Czech citizenship based on residence in the past. There is also the same awkward problem for thousands, as in former Yugoslavia, of mixed marriages, of Slovaks and Czechs, Croats and Serbs, of Muslims and Christians. This is why the new borders and their control have an embarrassing significance. Another delicate problem is the sharing out of the assets, and the debts, of course, of the old republic between the two new one. Symbolically the Czechs, to the annoyance of the Slovaks, kept the old flag of 1918. And in the background there is the feeling that the people were not asked about the split and a majority would have turned it down if there had been a referendum. ........ Prague could boast one of the earliest universities of the Middle Ages. .... There are crucial emotional differences between the Czechs and the Slovaks. ....... Premier Meciar has to govern forcefully because it is felt that the majority of Slovaks would have preferred to stay with the Czechs because of their living standard, which would have been more stable. The figures suggest that they were right. The gross domestic product per head among the 10.3 million Czechs, annually is 7,200 dollars, among the 5.3 million Slovaks it is 5,960 dollars. Unemployment among the Czechs is, significantly, two and a half per cent. Among the Slovaks it is 10.3 per cent. ........ The Czech Republic thus remains an advanced industrial country with an experienced work force going back for generations. ..... The Czech Republic is drifting discreetly into the German-Austrian sphere of influence and its leaders feel that their country would make a proper and quite successful member of the European Community. Investments by EC firms in key industries are growing. ........ Slovakia is quite different. In essence it is a rural country. ..... The trend in Bratislava is to cut welfare and the funding of universities while purging TV and the newspapers to keep control of the disappointed 'intelligentsia'. ....... Slovakia is now engaged in a desperate struggle with Hungary over the big power station at Gabcikovo on the Danube, right on the Hungarian border ..... the Austrians, who are annoyed that the Czechs insist on building their power station at Bohunice near the Austrian border, have been warning the Slovaks very discreetly to be cautious in their handling of the power station and the Magyar minority. ......... Slovakia is rather like one of the members of the former Soviet Union in its social and industrial structures as well as regarding that new nationhood. It really has nobody to turn to. Like the former Soviet republics and the third world countries that sided with the Soviet Union, their political establishment expects the West to help now as the Soviet Union once did. ....... The Slovak ruling establishment is therefore likely to be more and more tempted to devote their dwindling resources to the Slovaks and discriminate against their Hungarian minority. In both countries nationalist factions watch every action and utterance on the other side of the border.

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