Hamro Nepal: 50 Members

Reflections

Hamro Nepal was formally launched during the April Revolution (Sanjaya Parajuli In Brooklyn) although it had been talked about for months before. The growth has not been as astronomical as I had expected, but it has been impressive.

It has not been registered. It does not have a budget. Both those details are intentional and are to be kept that way. It is the world's first digital democracy organization. A lot of members and outsiders still do not think of it as a "real" organization.

Only six individuals took membership through me and went on to expand the organization: Binay Shah, Jay Mandal, Rajiv Shah, Rajendra Rajbanshi, Rakesh Mishra, and Anil Shahi. Note how all except one are Madhesi. Anil Shahi is the founding vice president. But I think the only thing he is very passionate about is the republican agenda, which is fine. He sure does not seem to have bought into the whole digital democracy concept.

Rajiv Shah's expansion has been the most outstanding. Rajiv is in Brussels.

Peetambar Kushwaha is the 50th member, the Jubilee member. (Jubilee - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia) Peetambar is a student at Purdue University in Indiana. I just was part of a conference call with him arranged by Rakesh Mishra. Both happen to have Sadbhavana backgrounds. Mishra is at a university in Pennsylvania.

All my political work has been as president of Hamro Nepal since its inception. So my DFN Blog has been the flagship for the organization. In November I also got myself elected Convenor, Coordination Committee, Nepali Organizations In New York City, as the president of Hamro Nepal. That has been the top achievement by the organization to date. I also spoke at the ANA Convention in July as Hamro Nepal president: ANA Convention: My Hamro Nepal Speech. Most recently Hamro Nepal was the political sponsor of an event in Jackson Heights where Dr. Devendra Raj Pandey spoke. (Devendra Raj Panday, Sunday, December 10, 7 PM, Satya Narayan Mandir, Devendra Raj Panday 1, Devendra Raj Panday 2, Devendra Raj Panday 3)

Room For Growth

Membership is free. Anyone anywhere in the world - including Nepal - with an email address can join. That simplicity should be the appeal. But then that simplicity also has been the mindblock for many. If it is so easy, it can not be that real!

I am particularly eager to expand this organization into Nepal.

All towns in Nepal have a bunch of internet cafes. That means there are people in all towns with email addresses. Let's rope them in. The idea is to participate in and shape the conversation to meet our four objectives. The more members we have, the more effective we are. Hamro Nepal has been designed simple so it is easy for us to penetrate political parties, media establishments, intellectual groups, existing organizations.

Active Members

Active members are those that go on and recruit others. Active members are those who participate in the virtual parliament. Active members organize offline gatherings. Hamro Nepal has very few active members right now. Let's get more of those.

Some Myths

Because this is a digital democracy organization, some members think we can not do offline events. Not true. We can do offline events. But the emphasis has to be on videoblogging the same. We can also videoblog events organized by other organizations. But because this is a zero budget organization, the emphasis is on house parties. We want the costs to be zero, or as close to zero as possible.

But just because it is a zero budget organization does not mean we can not deal with money. Small groups of members can raise and spend money if they want. Or city chapters can go ahead and do big events, if they might so desire. Bookkeeping has to stay transparent among all those who contributed. That's all.

Two Officers, Elections In April

There will be open, online voting for the two officer positions every April. I am seeking reelection for president, that's for sure.


Hamro Nepal Constitution
ANA Convention: My Hamro Nepal Speech
Hamro Nepal Has Three Goals
Hamro Nepal Will Not Be Registered
Hamro Nepal: Free Membership
Hamro Nepal: Membership Drive
Hamro Nepal, Latest
Hamro Nepal: Draft Constitution
Hamro Nepal All Set To Be Launched
Organization: Hamro Nepal


Hamro Nepal: "World's First Digital Democracy Organization"

Hamro Nepal Virtual Parliament
Think Tank

Commitment to a Democratic Republic gets you membership which is free. After you become a Member, make a list of all Nepalis you know, and call them up. Be prepared to handle about five objections per person. We are looking for members worldwide, Nepal included. Hamro Nepal has four goals: (1) democratic republic in Nepal, (2) total equality for the DaMaJaMa, Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati, Mahila, (3) double digit economic growth for Nepal, and (4) political empowerment of the Nepali diaspora in their immediate countries, which means voting rights in America for the 100,000 Nepalis here.

1. Paramendra Bhagat, New York City, NY, USA $10 (paramendra-at-yahoo.com)
   1. Pawan Adhikari, New York City, NY, USA (pxa261-at-yahoo.com)
   2. Shailesh Ghimire, AZ, USA $100 (sghimire-at-gmail.com)
   3. Bijay Raut, CA, USA (bijayraut-at-hotmail.com)
   4. Binay Shah, New York City, NY, USA (shahbk_2001-at-yahoo.com)
      1. Tara Shah, New York City, NY, USA (shahtara-at-gmail.com)
   5. Jay Mandal, Chicago, IL, USA (jpmandal-at-gmail.com)
      1. Sanam Shrestha, KS, USA (sanam_shrestha-at-hotmail.com)
      2. Madan Chaudhary, Chicago, IL, USA (mchaudhary99-at-hotmail.com)
   6. Dinesh Tripathi, Baltimore, MD, USA (dineshtripathi2002-at-gmail.com)
   7. Top Dangi, New York City, NY, USA (dangiusa-at-hotmail.com)
   8. Anand Jha, Bloomington, IN, USA (maithil_guy-at-yahoo.com)
   9. Sanjeev Shah, Minneapolis, MN, USA (sinehi-at-hotmail.com)
   10. Chandra Prakash Sharma, New York City, NY, USA (nepalimandir-at-aol.com)
   11. Purandar Ghimire, IN, USA (purandar_ghimire-at-yahoo.com)
   12. Bishnu Pariyar, York, UK (bishnu.pariyar-at-yahoo.com)
   13. Sanjay Das, Bristol, UK (skdas451-at-yahoo.com)
   14. Rajiv Shah, Brussels, Belgium (raj_123raja2000-at-yahoo.com)
       1. Binesh Yadav, Brussels, Belgium (bpyadav2028-at-yahoo.com)
          1. Bijay Yadav, Brussels, Belgium (bijayin2001-at-yahoo.com)
             1. Nabin Yadav, CA, USA (nabin15-at-hotmail.com)
       2. Indrajit Shah, Brussels, Belgium (indrajit8-at-hotmail.com)
       3. Samir Mandal, Brussels, Belgium (samirmandal-at-yahoo.com)
       4. Sanjay Karn, Brussels, Belgium (sanjukarn21-at-yahoo.com)
   15. Ritesh Chaudhary, New York City, NY, USA (riteshchaudhary-at-gmail.com)
   16. Hari Mahaseth, New York City, NY, USA (dr_harishmahaseth-at-yahoo.com)
   17. Satya Narayan Yadav, New York City, NY, USA (satyayadav-at-hotmail.com)
   18. Madhu Acharya, Kathmandu, Nepal (madhu.acharya-at-gmail.com)
   19. Raja Ghale, Atlanta, GA, USA (rajaghale35-at-hotmail.com)
   20. Rajendra Rajbanshi, Jhapa, Nepal (rkrajbanshi-at-yahoo.com)
       1. Ramesh Karki, Bhairahawa, Nepal (mylovenotforall-at-yahoo.com)
   21. Ananta Risal, NJ, USA (ananta.risal-at-gmail.com)
   22. Upendra Singh, Sydney, Australia (upensingh-at-yahoo.com)
   23. Ajay Yadav, Bangalore, India (ajaykrjan-at-yahoo.com.au)
   24. Ram Sundra Sah, Doha, Qatar (ramsundra-at-yahoo.com)
   25. Tek Gurung, New York City, NY, USA (chitiz74-at-yahoo.com)
   26. Sanjeeb Sangroula, Kathmandu, Nepal (kslsanjeeb9-at-gmail.com)
   27. Seintoe Lama, New York NY, USA (seintoe_lama2124-at-yahoo.com)
   28. Birendra Keshari, London, Ontario, Canada (Birendra.Keshari-at-gmail.com)
   29. Dinesh Tripathi, Baltimore, MD, USA (dineshtripathi2002-at-gmail.com)
   30. Banshalal Tamang, New York City, NY, USA (moktanbl03-at-hotmail.com)
   31. Shailendra Yadav, Kathmandu, Nepal (info4shailu-at-hotmail.com)
   32. Somnath Ghimire, New York City, NY, USA (somu.ghimire-at-gmail.com)
   33. Kripa Sharma, Kathmandu, Nepal (kkripaa-at-hotmail.com)
   34. Sailendra Kharel, Kathmandu, Nepal (kharelsailendra-at-gmail.com)
   35. Rakesh Mishra, State College, PA, USA (raksang-at-yahoo.com)
       1. Peetambar Kushwaha, Lafayette, IN, USA (peetambar-at-yahoo.com)
2. Anil Shahi, NY, USA (anil_shahi_et-at-hotmail.com)
   1. Sanjaya Parajuli, NY, USA (parajulis-at-gmail.com) $10
   2. Homraj Acharya, Washington DC, USA (homrajacharya-at-yahoo.cm)

The Matrix

The Matrix is a product of Hamro Nepal that is independent of Hamro Nepal. The Matrix is the digital democracy concept taken to a whole new level. The Matrix is being dedicated to Obama 2008. (Barack Hussein Obama And The White Boys In The Media)

नेपालमा संसारको नम्बर एक लोकतन्त्रको स्थापना हुन सक्छ

(sent to Kantipur, Annapurna Post)

राजतन्त्रको समाप्ती र गणतन्त्रको स्थापना

सबै जसो देशमा राजा नै हुन्थे। तर कुनै पिन देशको जसो जसो राजनीितक िवकास हुँदै जान्छ, प्रत्येक जसो देशले राजतन्त्रलाई फाल्ने गरेको देिखन्छ। सामन्ती राजतन्त्रको समाप्ती नभई नया नेपालको िनर्माण हुनै सक्दैन। गणतन्त्रको स्थापना नै नया नेपालको प्रस्थानिवन्दु हो। जुन राजनीितक पार्टीले त्यो कुरा बुझ्दैन, उसलाई चुनावी घाटा छ।

िगिरजा कोइरालाले राजालाई अल्मल्याएका हुन् वा कोइरालामा वास्तवमै राजनीितक चेतनाको कमी छ, त्यो भन्न गार्हो छ। होइन यिद कोइरालाले सेरेमोिनयल राजतन्त्र नामको मरेको स्याल जबरजस्ती काँधमा बोक्छु नै भनेर भन्ने हो भने एक त दुई काँग्रेसको एकीकरण उसै पिन गार्हो रहेको अवस्थामा असंभव भएर जानेछ, र चुनावमा वाम मोर्चाले िवजय पाउने िनश्िचत प्रायः हुनेछ।

संिवधान सभामा जाँदा अाठ वटै पार्टी गणतन्त्रको पक्षमा नउिभए जनतामा अनाहक अन्यौल पैदा हुने देिखन्छ। तर अाठ वटै पार्टी गणतन्त्रको पक्षमा उिभए राजतन्त्रको मुद्दा गौन भएर जानेछ। त्यो देशकालािग स्वस्थकर हुनेछ। संसारको इितहासमा कहीं नभएको क्रान्ितको प्रमुख नारा नै गणतन्त्र िथयो। त्यसै बारे जनताले कित बोिलरहने?

अन्तिरम राष्ट्रपितको अावश्यकता

संिवधान सभाको पिहलो िदनमा राजतन्त्रको िविधवत समाप्ती हुनेछ। त्यसपिछ संिवधान सभाको कार्यकालसम्मकालािग एउटा अन्तिरम राष्ट्रपितको अावश्यकता पर्न जानेछ। त्यो राष्ट्रपित को हुने? त्यस राष्ट्रपितको अिधकार के कित सम्म हुने? संिवधान सभाले सर्वदलीय सरकार बनाउने अथवा बहुमतको सरकार बनाउने? उत्तम त सर्वदलीय सरकार बनाउनु नै हुनेछ। तर चुनावी गर्मागर्मीपिछ त्यसै होला भनेर भन्न सिकन्न।

वाम मोर्चाले बहुमत ल्याउने संभावना कितको छ? ल्याएमा ठूलो पार्टी एमाले होला िक माअोवादी? वाम मोर्चाले बहुमत ल्याउने र ठूलो पार्टी माअोवादी हुने हो भने अन्तिरम राष्ट्रपित पदको जायज दावेदार माअोवादी भयो िक भएन? त्यो पदमा कुन माअोवादी पुग्ने? देशमा दुइ वटा सेना रहँदा रहँदै त्यसरी माअोवादीको सरकार बन्ने जस्तो देिखएमा त्यसप्रित अन्तरराष्ट्िरय प्रितक्िरया कस्तो हुने होला? अमेिरकाले त्यस िकिसमको सरकारलाई मान्यता निदए त्यसको के असर पर्ला?

तर मैले देखे अनुसार काँग्रेस एकीकरण पिन हुन गार्हो छ र वाम मोर्चा बन्न पिन गार्हो छ। अिधकांश चुनावी क्षेत्रमा नेपाली काँग्रेस, नेकपा एमाले, नेकपा माअोवादी, र नेपाली काँग्रेस (प्रजातान्त्िरक) बीच सीधा भीडन्त हुने मैले देखेको छु। कुनै पिन एक पार्टीकोे बहुमत अाउने मैले देिखरहेको छैन। त्यो नै राम्रो हुनेछ। देशमा दुइ वटा सेना रिहरहँदासम्म नेकपा एमाले, नेपाली काँग्रेस, ऱ नेपाली काँग्रेस (प्रजातान्त्िरक) एकाितर रहने संभावना नै धेरै बढी छ। त्यो तीन वटा पार्टी मध्ये सबैभन्दा ठूलो नेकपा एमाले भएर अाउने हो भने माधव नेपाल अन्तिरम राष्ट्रपित पदका स्वतः दावेदार हुने देिखन्छ। नेकपा एमाले, नेकपा माअोवादी, र नेपाली काँग्रेस (प्रजातान्त्िरक) स्पष्ट रूपमा गणतन्त्रको पक्षमा अाइसकेकोले िगिरजा कोइराला र नेपाली काँग्रेस गणतन्त्रको पक्ष िवपक्ष जता उिभए पिन देशमा राजतन्त्र कुनै पिन रूपमा कायम रहने गुन्जायस देिखंदैन।

संिवधान सभाको चुनावकालािग पार्टीहरूको एजेन्डा

सबैभन्दा उत्तम हुँदो हो िक प्रत्येक पार्टीले एउटा एउटा पूर्ण संिवधान नै लेखेर चुनावमा जाउन्। हामीले एक्लैले लेख्ने हो भने त्यो संिवधान यस प्रकारको हुनेछ भनेर भनुन्।

प्रमुख मुद्दा संघीय सरकार कै हुनेछ्। संघीय गणतन्त्रको िवरूद्ध कुनै पिन पार्टीले उिभने अाँट गर्ला जस्तो मलाई लाग्दैन। गणतन्त्र जस्तै संघीय सरकार ग्यारेण्टी भइसकेको कुरा हो। तर त्यो संघीय सरकारको रूप कस्तो हुने भन्ने कुरामा नाना थिरका िवचारहरू अाइरहेका छन् जुन िक स्वाभािवक नै हो। सयौं वर्षदेिख िथचेर रािखएका जाित जनजाितहरूले बल्ल बोल्ने मौका पाएका छन्। पिहलो अावेश त सबैले अाफ्नै छुट्टा छुट्टै राज्य िलउँ भन्ने त हुन्छ नै।

एउटा जातीय राज्यहरूको अवधारणा अगािड अाइराखेको छ। अर्को भौगोिलक प्रदेशहरूको अवधारणा अगािड अाइराखेको छ। अनितम िनर्णय जनताले गर्ने हुन्। तर जातीय र भौगोिलक भन्दा पृथक एउटा अर्को पिन अवधारणा छ भनेर मैले बारम्बार भन्दै अाइराखेको छु, र त्यो हो अार्िथक। नेपालको सबैभन्दा ठूलो समस्या गरीबी हो भन्ने कुरामा दुइ मत नहोला।

गणतन्त्रको मुद्दामा र संघीय सरकारको मुद्दामा अाठ वटै पार्टी एक हुने संभावना कितको छ? अन्तमा त एक हुनै पर्छ। एउटा देशमा दुई फरक िकिसमको संघीय सरकार लागु हुनेवाला छैन। शुरूमा अलग अलग नक्शा हुन सक्छ तर अन्तमा गएर सबै पार्टी एउटै िमलनिवन्दु नक्शामा अाउनैपर्ने हुन्छ। त्यो िमलनिवन्दु नक्शाको रूप कस्तो होला?

राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन

संिवधान सभाको कार्यकालसम्म अन्तिरम संिवधान लागु रहन्छ। संिवधान सभाले बल्ल एउटा नया संिवधानलाई जन्म िदनेछ। त्यो नया संिवधानमा राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचनको व्यवस्था हुनुप्रछ। गणतन्त्रको स्थापना र राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन सँग्सँगै जाने जस्तो लाग्छ मलाई।

बेलायतको गल्तीहरू भारतमा र भारतको गल्तीहरू नेपालमा दोहोर्याउने चलन छ। नेपालमा भारतमा जस्तो गणतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने सोंच हुन सक्छ नेताहरूको। संवैधािनक राजालाई फाल्ने र त्यसको ठाउँमा एउटा हात्तीको देखाउने दाँत जस्तो राष्ट्रपित रािखिदले सोंच हुनसक्छ नेताहरूको। त्यो सोंच संवैधािनक राजतन्त्रात्मक सोंच हो। त्यो प्रगितशील सोंच भने होइन। त्यस्तो नाम मात्रको राष्ट्रपित नै राख्ने हो भने बरू राजा नै नफाले भइहाल्यो िन। राजा िकन फाल्नपर्यो?

राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचनको व्यवस्था गर्नु भनेको अमेिरकाको नक्कल गर्नु होइन। राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन अमेिरकामा पिन छैन। हुनुपर्छ तर छैन। अमेिरकामा राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन हुने भएको भए सन् २००० मा एल गोरले जर्ज बुशकोभन्दा साढे पाँच लाख बढी भोट ल्याएका हुन्। अमेिरकामा राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन हुने भएको भए न्यु यर्क, क्यािलफोर्िनया, टेक्सस, फ्लोिरडा जस्ता गैर गोरा जनसंख्या भएका र जनसंख्या पिन ठूलो भएका राज्यहरूले िनर्णायक रोल खेल्ने िथए। अिहले त स्िथित यस्तो छ िक राष्ट्रपित पदका उम्मेदवारहरू न्यु यर्क र क्यािलफोर्िनया राज्यहरूमा समय र पैसा पिन खासै खर्च गर्दैनन्।

त्यसैले हामी राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचनको अवधारणालाई अमेिरकाको नक्कल नभन्ठानौं।

राष्ट्रपितको प्रत्यक्ष िनर्वाचन भनेको के? लड्ने जित लड्छन्। कुनै पिन उम्मेदवारले कमसेकम ५०% मत नल्याएमा दुइ वटा सबैभन्दा बढी मत ल्याउने उम्मेदवारहरूबीच दोस्रो राउण्डको चुनाव हुन्छ। िजत्ने व्यक्ित चार अथवा पाँच वर्षकालािग राष्ट्रपित भयो। त्यसो गिरएमा मतदाता र राष्ट्रपित बीच सीधा सम्बन्ध स्थािपत हुन्छ। नागिरक र राष्ट्रपितबीच पार्टी उिभनु उत्कृष्ट लोकतान्त्िरक पिरपाटी होइन।

नेपालमा संसारको नम्बर एक लोकतन्त्रको स्थापना

नेपालमा जुन अप्िरल क्रान्ित भयो त्यो िवश्व इितहासमा कहीं पिन भएको छैन। पौने तीन करोड जनसंख्या भएको संसारको अत्यिधक गरीब देशमा १९ िदनका दौरान ८० लाख मािनस सडकमा अाए। १९ िदनसम्म प्रत्येक गाउँ, प्रत्येक शहर बन्द रह्यो। भारतको स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम, रूसको अक्टोबर क्रान्ित, फ्रेन्च क्रान्ित कतै पिन त्यस िकिसमको जनसागर उर्लेन। भनेपिछ नेपालमा भारतमा जस्तो, बेलायतमा जस्तो, अमेरीकामा जस्तो लोकतन्त्रको नक्कल गरेर काम लाग्दैन। संसारमा कहीं पिन नभएको लोकतन्त्र नेपालमा स्थापना नगर्नु अप्िरल क्रान्ितको अपमान हुनेछ।

त्यो कसरी गर्ने? लोकतन्त्र भनेको एक व्यक्ित एक मतको अवधारणा हो। जुन लोकतन्त्रमा धनी नागिरक र ठुल्ठुला िबजनेसहरूले पार्टीहरूलाई चन्दा िदइराखेका हुन्छन् त्यो अपूर्ण र बाँिगएको लोकतन्त्र हो। भारत, बेलायत र अमेरीकामा त्यस्तो बाँिगएको लोकतन्त्र छ। हामी त्यसको नक्कल नगरौँ।

हामी नेपालमा यस्तो लोकतन्त्रको स्थापना गरौं जहाँ िक राजनीितक पार्टीहरूलाई िनजी क्षेत्रमा चन्दा उठाउन वर्िजत गिरन्छ। बरू राष्ट्िरय संसदीय चुनावमा कुनै पार्टीले कित मत ल्यायो त्यसैका अाधारमा समानुपाितक िकिसमले पार्टीहरूले सरकारबाटै पैसा पाउन्। यित एउटा कुरा गर्यौं भने नेपाल संसारको नम्बर एक लोकतन्त्र बन्नेछ। अिन भारत, बेलायत र अमेरीकामा नेपालमा जस्तो लोकतन्त्र हामीलाई पिन चािहयो भन्ने माग सुिनन थािलनेछ। चीनमा संघीय, बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्र स्थापनाकालािग अान्तिरक दबाब बढेर जानेछ। संसारमा जुन जुन देशमा लोकतन्त्र छैन, त्यहाँका जनता जाग्नेछन् र अाफ्ना अाफ्ना तानाशाह हरूलाई फाल्न थाल्नेछन्। नेपालको नम्बर एक िनर्यात अप्िरल क्रान्ित बन्नेछ। सगरमाथा, बुद्ध र अप्िरल क्रान्ित।

तीन राज्य: कोशी, गण्डकी, कर्णाली

अरब देशहरूमा तेल भए जस्तै नेपालमा जलस्रोत छ। तेल भुइँमुिनबाट निनकाल्दासम्म अरब देशहरू संसारका सबैभन्दा गरीब नै िथए। अरब देशहरमा तेलले जे जादू गर्यो त्यही जादू नेपालमा जलस्रोतले गर्नेछ।

मैले प्रस्ताव गरेको संघीय सरकारमा तीन राज्य र २५ िजल्ला छन्। तीन राज्य अार्िथक अाधारमा बाँिडएका छन् भने २५ िजल्लामा सबै िकिसमका जातजाितहरूको नेतृत्वको िवकास हुन सक्ने गरी रािखएको छ। यस प्रस्तावको अिहलेसम्म सबैभन्दा ठूलो िवरोध मेरै अाफ्नै मधेशी समुदायबाट भएको छ।

म १९९६ मा अमेिरका अाएको मान्छे। त्यसभन्दा अगािड म २-३ वर्ष नेपालमा राष्ट्िरय स्तरको राजनीित गरेको मान्छे। सद्भावना फुटेर नेपाल समाजवादी जनता दल जन्मेको िथयो। जनता दलमा हृदयेश त्िरपाठी महासिचव हुनुहुन्थ्यो, म उपमहासिचव िथएँ। अिहले हृदयेशजी नेपालमा विरष्ठ मन्त्री हुनुहुन्छ। राजाको कुपिछ हामी सम्पर्कमा रह्यौं।

मेरो नेपाल गएर चुनाव लड्ने, राजनीित गर्ने कुनै योजना छैन। म नेपालमा अार्िथक क्रान्ितकालािग न्यु यर्कमा बसेर जित गर्न सक्छु त्यित नेपाल गएर गर्न सक्िदनँ। नेपालमा संिवधान सभाको रंगीचंगी हुँदा म यता बाराक अोबामालाई ह्वाइट हाउस पुर्याउन मद्दत गिररहेको हुनेछु।

तर मैले अाफ्नो तीन राज्य २५ िजल्लाको अवधारणा तीनै सद्भावना पृष्ठभूिमका अाफ्ना साथीहरूलाई बेच्न सिकरहेको छैन। वहाँहरूले मेरो प्रस्तावलाई अपनाउन नसक्नुका िविभन्न कारण छन्। काँग्रेस र एमाले पृष्ठभूिमकै बाहुनहरूले नअपनाएको मध्यमार्गी तीन राज्य २५ िजल्लाको अवधारणा उनीहरूले शुरूमै अपनाए उनीहरूको बार्गेिनङ पावर घटेर जाने डर होला। तर प्रमुख कारण के हो भने वहाँहरूले मेरो प्रस्तावलाई समग्र रूपमा हेिररहनु भएको छैन।

मेरो प्रस्तावको पूरण रूप इन्टरनेटमा http://projectnd.blogspot.com मा छ। त्यसमा भिनएको छ एक राज्यको १०० गरी जम्मा ३०० सीट भएको प्रितिनिध सभा र १०० सीट भएको राज्य सभा हुनेछ। प्रत्येक प्रितिनिध सभा सीट लगभग बराबर जनसंख्याको आधारमा हुनेछ। प्रितिनिध सभाको िनर्वाचनमा पाएको मतको आधारमा समानुपाितक िकिसमले पार्टीहरूले राज्य सभामा सीट पाउनेछन्। कम्तीमा १% मत पाउने पार्टी त्यसको हकदार हुनेछ। दिलत, मधेशी, जनजाित र मिहलाले प्रितिनिध सभा र राज्य सभामा आरक्षण पाउनेछन्। प्रितिनिध सभाकालािग आरिक्षत िनर्वाचन क्षेत्र हुनेछन्। संसदले मतदान गर्ने प्रत्येक िबल नेपाली, िहन्दी र अंग्रेजीमा इन्टरनेटमा कमसेकम ७ िदन रािखनुपर्ने छ। कुनै पिन पार्टीको कुनै पिन पदको िटकट कसले पाउने भन्ने कुराको िनर्णय त्यस पार्टीको सो वा सो स्तरभन्दा मुिनको सदस्यले लोकतािन्त्रक तिरकाले गर्नेछन्। प्रत्येक राज्यमा २०० सीट भएको प्रितिनिध सभा र ५० सीट भएको राज्य सभा हुनेछ। केन्द्रीय स्तरको एक क्षेत्रलाई राज्य स्तरमा दुईमा बाँिडनेछ। गाउँ।शहर र िजल्ला स्तरका सरकारहरुको िनर्वाचन प्रिक्रया, बनौट अािद बारे प्रत्येक राज्यको संसदले छुट्टा छुट्टै िनर्णय गर्नेछन्। केन्द्र स्तरको बजेटको ५% १० वटा प्रित व्तक्ित सबैभन्दा कम अाय भएका िजल्लाहरूलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गिरनेछ। इन्कम ट्याक्स यस प्रकार बाँिडनेछ: ५०% केन्द्र, ३०% राज्य, १०% िजल्ला, र १०% गाउँ।शहर। तर इन्कम ट्याक्स कलेक्शन केन्द्रले मात्र गर्नेछ। इन्कम ट्याक्सबाट बाहेक अन्य स्रोतबाट अाएको अायबाट बनेको बजेट पिन केन्द्रले ५०% राखी बाँकी तीन राज्यलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ। राज्यले ५०% राखी बाँकी िजल्लालाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ। िजल्लाले ५०% राखी बाँकी गाउँ।शहरलाई जनसंख्याका अाधारमा समनुपाितक िकिसमले हस्तान्तरण गर्नेछ। १० कक्षासम्म िनजी, सरकारी, स्वायत्त एवं अन्य िवद्यालयमा त्रीभाषीय िशक्षा लागू हुनेछ। १० कक्षापिछ कुन भाषामा पठनपाठन हुने कुरा प्रत्येक िशक्षण संस्थानले अाफै िनर्णय गर्नेछ। प्रत्येक िवद्यार्थीको एउटा प्रथम भाषा हुनेछ। दोस्रो भाषा नेपाली हुनेछ। नेपाली नै प्रथम भाषा भएकाले नेपालमा बोिलने कुनै पिन भाषालाई अाफ्नो दोस्रो भाषा बनाउन सक्नेछन्। तेस्रो भाषा अंग्रेजी। ५ कक्षापिछ गिणत र िवग्यान अंग्रेजीमा पढाइनेछ। अरू िवषय कुन भाषामा पढाउने भन्ने िनर्णय गर्ने अिधकार िजल्ला सरकारको िशक्षा सिमितलाई हुनेछ। िनजी क्षेत्रका िवद्यालयले त्यो िनर्णय अाफैं गर्नेछन्। गाउँ।शहर र िजल्ला स्तरका सरकारहरुको कामकाज नेपाली बाहेक अरू पिन भाषामा हुने िनर्णय िजल्ला सरकारले गर्न सक्नेछ।

मेरो प्रस्तावलाई समग्र रूपमा हेर्ने हो भने मैले लेखेको प्रस्तािवत संिवधान लाई अाठ वटै पार्टीले अिहल्यै अंगीकार गरेर संिवधान सभाको साटो यस प्रस्तािवत संिवधान लाई बरू जनमत संग्रहमा लगे पिन हुन्छ जस्तो लाग्छ मलाई। यसलाई अपनाउने हो भने नेपालको संिवधान संसारको सबैभन्दा छोटो र सबैभन्दा प्रगितशील हुन जानेछ।

Paramendra Bhagat
Convenor, Coordination Committee
Nepali Organizations In New York City


राजतन्त्र, बाहुनवाद र भर्ष्टाचार समाप्त पारौं
राजतन्त्र, बाहुनवाद र भर्ष्टाचार समाप्त पारौं

प्रस्तािवत संिवधान
वीपी र िगिरजाको कहानी
िगिरजा, माधव, प्रचण्ड सब एक जैसे हैं
Rajendra Mahto: नागरिकता विधेयक खोतल्दा
नेपालको अन्तरिम संविधान
नेपाली कांग्रेसको संविधान मस्यौदा
माओवादीको संविधान मस्यौदा
मधेशीसँग संख्या छ, शिक्त छैन
डा. कटक मल्ल: सुन्दर, शान्त र शिष्ट नेपालको निर्माणका लागि
ितमीले देखाइ िदयौ
कर्फ्यु तोड्न आह्वान गर्नेले
जाउलो खाएर क्रान्ित गर
जनआन्दोलनको कार्यक्रम
क्रान्ितलाई नबुझ्नु, बुझ पचाउनु
ये तो क्रान्ित है
यो सडक ितम्र्ो हो
हृदयेश त्रिपाठी: मधेसी समस्या र राज्यको पुनर्संरचना
संघीय गणतन्त्र
कांग्रेसले रोज्नुपर्ने बाटो
अहिंसाका प्रश्न
डा बाबुराम भट्टराईलाई शान्तिको सन्देश
डा बाबुराम भट्टराई: आन्दोलनको उत्कर्ष र त्रस्त सत्ता
मधेशी अधिकारको कुरामा पहाडीहरुको सहभागीता
प्रवासी नेपाली: "नैतिक समर्थन कायम राख्दै भौतिक समर्थन थप्ने।"
भूपि शेरचन, गोपालप्रसाद रिमाल, प्रवर जिसी
मधेशी पहचान
देशव्यापी पम्फलेटिङ
प्रहार गरिहालौं
अइ आन्दोलनमें मधेशी अधिकारके बात
लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र नै किन?
चुनाव बहिष्कार बाहेक विकल्प छैन: सात दल

Moriarty Should Take His Offer Directly To The Bhutani Refugees

The 100,000 Bhutani refugees in Nepal are not a property of the Bhuatani government, of Tek Nath Rizal, or the Nepali government. These are human beings. Human rights are universal. You never forfeit your human rights. Not never. You might get kicked out of your country, but you continue to have all your human rights.

It has been over a decade. The same chauvinistic thinking among the Nepali elite that has kept some five million Madhesis deprived of citizenship papers for decades worked among the Bhutani elite to kick these people out of Bhutan. As far as the Bhutani king, his henchmen and the powers that be in Bhutan are concerned, these 100,000 people are Nepalis who migrated to Bhutan like Mexicans go to America, and now they are back where they belong. That king has now announced he is abdicating to make way for his son. He has also announced democracy for 2008 and after.

Moriarty's offer is mind-boggling. I never expected it. This is so totally out of the box, and I have said as much before. He has offered that the US will take 40,000 of those refugees, and other countries have lined up to take the rest. If this were to be carried out, this would be a novel experiment in international politics.

We are all free individuals.

Say Bhutan becomes a democratic republic, and Tek Nath Rizal becomes president of Bhutan, and if the US were to offer 40,000 green cards to Bhutanis as part of its diversity program, should that Rizal have the powers to block that offer? Would he? I don't think so.

Similarly the two Nepali Bahuns GP Koirala and KP Oli have never had the powers to prevent similarly situated Nepalis from flying off. If you win the diversity lottery and get a green card, you go off if you want.

But with the Bhutani refugees we have a curious situation where Tek Nath Rizal, GP Koirala, KP Oli, and the seven party leaders in Nepal have all come out hostile to the Moriarty offer. What is going on?

The first thing I notice is these people do not seem to understand the Universal Declaration Of Human Rights, that they do not have the powers to reject the Moriarty offer on behalf of the Bhutani refugees.

And then there might be plain jealousy. I have known of Nepalis in New York City who have been state minister in the past, and now work odd jobs in the city. A former Nepali MP working at a gas station in Texas made news when he was murdered a few months back by petty criminals. Working at below minimum wage in America seems to outdo some pretty important offices in the Nepali context for some people, looks like.

And suddenly you have Moriarty trying to put these hapless Bhutani refugees on the fast track! What about the well-connected Bahuns in Kathmandu? Did Moriarty ever think of them? Perhaps the ministers in the Nepal government have relatives who would like to go. Will Moriarty cut a deal? For every 1,000 Bhutani refugees you get, you have to take along one such relative. How about that?

The whole idea of democracy is that the state should be beneath the individual. Democracy is about protecting the individual from the state. This offer has to be about the individual.

Nothing prevents Moriarty from taking his offer directly to the refugees. He should go through the UN, or perhaps directly even, and make his offer. The Bhutani refugees did not go through the UN, before they streamed into Nepal.

A census has to be taken. And each refugee has to be explained what the offer is. And each has to be given the choice. If they decide they want to take up on the offer, Moriarty should go ahead and deliver. He should make arrangements and ship them out.

So, yes, first and foremost it is about individual choice. Bhutani and Nepali politicians may not get in the way.

Then it is also about the democracy movement in Bhutan. These people are going to form the nucleus of the force that will turn Bhutan into a republic. A monarchy is a feudal institution no matter where it is.

Nepal needs to do for Bhutan what India did for Nepal. If Nepal can not actively help the democracy movement in Bhutan, it needs to at least get the hell out of the way.

The thing is if you can do a Nepal repeat in Bhutan, you can do a Nepal repeat in Burma, and Burma is a rather big prize. Politicians who stayed home or were in jail during the magic of April and are now in power in Nepal do not seem to appreciate the importance of exporting the April Revolution. April was magic. The message is that the people of a poor country on their own can get together and get rid of the most ruthless dictator. All they have to do is come out into the streets in large numbers, and shut the country down totally until democracy dawns. Golley, that is a powerful message.

So what I am saying is this. Moriarty may not pretend that he made this wonderful offer, and Tek Nath Rizal, GP Koirala, KP Oli and the rest of them got in the way. If Moriarty really means to make his offer, nothing stands in his way. He should go ahead and deliver.

If this goes through, this will add a new dimension to international politics and peace making in general. This could end up having repurcussions in far corners of the world. This could end up having repurcussions for Middle East peace.

So push it through. Send them to New York!

Tek Nath Rizal And The Bhutani Hostage Crisis
Solve The Bhutani Refugee Crisis: Send Them West

Zimbabwe: The Constitution Is Faulty
Zimpundit: Zimbabwe

The First Major Revolution Of The 21st Century Happened In Nepal
Democracy Spreading Mechanism
The Demosphere Manifesto

Brian Cobb: An Illusion Of Peace

An Illusion Of Peace
Prof. Dr. Brian Cobb

(sent to Kantipur)

"We lived many lives in those swirling campaigns, never sparing ourselves any good or evil; yet when we had achieved and the new world dawned, the old men came out again, and took from us our victory, and remade it in the likeness of the former world they knew. Youth could win, but had not learned to keep, and was pitiably weak against age. We stammered that we had worked for a new heaven, and a new earth, and they thanked us kindly, and made their peace." This was written not in present-day Nepal, but in 1919 by T. E. Lawrence in the wake of the disastrous Treaty of Versailles. The victorious Allied powers, France, the UK and the US, imposed disastrous, punitive conditions on the Germans that laid the foundations for Hitler's rise and World War II.

Fortunately the Allies learned a lesson and, at the end of World War II, the next generation of leaders helped rehabilitate Germany, and indeed all of Europe, resulting in a stable and peaceful political order. The lesson is that vindictive, harsh strategies are counterproductive. Generating anger and hatred only leads to future violence and instability. And yet, I see Nepal going down that road today. Some of my ideas, such as my suggestions in 2004 that the parties negotiate with the Maoists directly, that the palace needed to be sidelined for peace, for republicanism and that the country be demilitarized, have been finally adopted. So I'd like to be heard again.

The current strategy of imprisoning the Maoist cadres in conditions barely suitable for animals sows the seeds of future instability. The Maoists are not evil or mad; they are young people who saw in revolution their only hope of having better lives. The attitude of the Nepali elite and the international community is narcissistic, arrogant, immoral and doomed to failure. To imprison them in ramshackle Guantanamos where the climate and disease, rather than the CIA, do the torturing is most unwise.

Since returning to Nepal I've seen so much. I've had experiences of government officials and party higher-ups trying to shake me down for bribes to be allowed the privilege of helping the poor. I've seen how corruption denies medical care and economic development to the poor, how the elites keep them in misery to attract donor funds they divert for their own use, leaving the masses to suffer. I've seen high caste doctors put their presumed inferiors aside to die of neglect many times, and heard their sincerely felt but racist justifications. This has, if anything, worsened in the wake of the second andolan. The elites seem to think that the people took to the streets to put them in power, not to regain democracy in the hope of electing better leadership; they fail to understand that public support for the parties and individual politicians is quite weak, while that for the institution of democracy is strong.

I hear these same elites condemning the extortion and violence of the Maoists, uncaring and uncomprehending that the politicians and bureaucrats extort more and cause more suffering. Is there any moral difference between a Maoist who shoots someone and a Health Ministry official whose corruption condemns many more people to death and suffering? No, there is not. So it's time to drop the hypocritical self-righteousness and accept that Einstein was right when he told us, "Problems cannot be solved at the same level of thinking that created them."

It has been the structural violence, oppression, caste discrimination, exploitation, greed, corruption and arrogance of the Nepali elites that has given rise to the Maoist movement, and the same people with the same ideology are now setting the stage for continued instability in their relentless quest for short term gains in money, power and fame. They are trying to crush the Maoists as a mainstream political force by imposing hardships on their cadres, by punishing instead of rehabilitating them, and by marginalising their leaders.

Young people who have become inured to violence and who lack any prospects for education, jobs and improved living conditions will resort to crime in the short term and revolution in the slightly longer term. They will be a scourge. But are their demands unreasonable? Not at all. While it is correct to call upon them to renounce violence and intimidation, it is important to understand that they must be brought into the mainstream for this to happen.

The only institution in Nepal today that inspires hope in the youth is the airport. Nearly all of them dream of going far away, to a place where their caste doesn't consign them to be treated like animals, where they can go as far as their talents and hard work can take them. They are bitter and pessimistic about Nepal. Now this brain drain is good from the perspective of the elite, because it takes away the most thoughtful and ambitious. It is not good for the economic development of the country, but past democratic governments have not pursued development because it's easier to rake in donor funds than the proceeds of private industry and easier to manipulate impoverished masses than a prosperous nation.

The rush to re-establish the status quo ante politically goes counter to the demands of the people's movement and will yield a short term bounty for the elites, but to the ultimate detriment of both Nepali society and the elites themselves. The parties delude themselves into thinking they have the support of the majority, who view them with distrust and disgust. A lot of the nation's youth are voicing support for the Maoists as a political force because, whatever their past misdeeds, they are the only ones with a vision and an inclusive philosophy. Unless the other parties make room for newer, more honest and competent leaders, they will go down to defeat when elections are finally held.

In his insightful Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech the Bangladeshi economist and father of the microcredit movement, Dr Mohammad Yunus, said, "Peace should be understood in a human way − in a broad social, political and economic way. Peace is threatened by unjust economic, social and political order, absence of democracy, environmental degradation and absence of human rights. Poverty is the absence of all human rights. The frustrations, hostility and anger generated by abject poverty cannot sustain peace in any society. For building stable peace we must find ways to provide opportunities for people to live decent lives." He went on to state, "I believe that we can create a poverty-free world because poverty is not created by poor people. It has been created and sustained by the economic and social system that we have designed for ourselves; the institutions and concepts that make up that system; the policies that we pursue."

Articulating some noble sentiments, as the interim government has done, is deceptive and futile when the mechanisms of government are as corrupt and inefficient as Nepal's. Implementation of these worthy ideas by the current bureaucracy would be a miracle on par with the creation of the universe. Rapid, widespread and fearless corruption control must precede all else. The unjust social order must be dismantled. It is an unpalatable but undeniable historical truth that nowhere and never has an oppressive elite suddenly undergone simultaneous and radical character transformation; only when discredited persons and ideologies are replaced has progress occurred. It is also a gross distortion when the oppressors seek to portray themselves as victims and to label inclusiveness "caste warfare." Although nearly all of the elites are upper caste, the majority of the upper castes are non-elite and themselves exploited.

For example, the recent political charade of offering increased access to severely inadequately staffed and equipped district hospitals without real health care reform merely reveals the cynicism of the political elites.

A good place to start rebuilding as Nepal struggles to move from medievalism to modernity is with the education and rehabilitation of the Maoist cadres. It would be an exercise in understanding Dr Yunus's sound principles and getting beyond the customary zero-sum thinking. It would be a sound investment in the future of Nepal and the right thing to do.

It was the youth who brought the monarchy to its knees. The martyrs and andolankari were overwhelmingly students and working class youth. For the old men who watched the people's movement on their colour TVs to emerge and attempt to recreate the dystopia they created in the name of democracy will not do. A new society is possible, as history proves. And the youth of Nepal, the major stakeholders in its future and its demographically most powerful voting bloc, should expect no more than this, and be content with no less..


An Illusion Of Peace
Prof. Dr. Brian Cobb

"We lived many lives in those swirling campaigns, never sparing ourselves any good or evil; yet when we had achieved and the new world dawned, the old men came out again, and took from us our victory, and remade it in the likeness of the former world they knew. Youth could win, but had not learned to keep, and was pitiably weak against age. We stammered that we had worked for a new heaven, and a new earth, and they thanked us kindly, and made their peace." This was written not in present-day Nepal, but in 1919 by T. E. Lawrence in the wake of the disastrous Treaty of Versailles. The victorious Allied powers, France, the UK and the US, imposed disastrous, punitive conditions on the Germans that laid the foundations for Hitler's rise and World War II.

Fortunately the Allies learned a lesson and, at the end of World War II, the next generation of leaders helped rehabilitate Germany, and indeed all of Europe, resulting in a stable and peaceful political order. The lesson is that vindictive, harsh strategies are counterproductive. Generating anger and hatred only leads to future violence and instability. And yet, I see Nepal going down that road today. Some of my ideas, such as my suggestions in 2004 that the parties negotiate with the Maoists directly, that the palace needed to be sidelined for peace, for republicanism and that the country be demilitarized, have been finally adopted. So I'd like to be heard again.

The current strategy of imprisoning the Maoist cadres in conditions barely suitable for animals sows the seeds of future instability. The Maoists are not evil or mad; they are young people who saw in revolution their only hope of having better lives. The attitude of the Nepali elite and the international community is narcissistic, arrogant, immoral and doomed to failure. To imprison them in ramshackle Guantanamos where the climate and disease, rather than the CIA, do the torturing is most unwise.

Since returning to Nepal I've seen so much. I've had experiences of government officials and party higher-ups trying to shake me down for bribes to be allowed the privilege of helping the poor. I've seen how corruption denies medical care and economic development to the poor, how the elites keep them in misery to attract donor funds they divert for their own use, leaving the masses to suffer. I've seen high caste doctors put their presumed inferiors aside to die of neglect many times, and heard their sincerely felt but racist justifications. This has, if anything, worsened in the wake of the second andolan. The elites seem to think that the people took to the streets to put them in power, not to regain democracy in the hope of electing better leadership; they fail to understand that public support for the parties and individual politicians is quite weak, while that for the institution of democracy is strong.

I hear these same elites condemning the extortion and violence of the Maoists, uncaring and uncomprehending that the politicians and bureaucrats extort more and cause more suffering. Is there any moral difference between a Maoist who shoots someone and a Health Ministry official whose corruption condemns many more people to death and suffering? No, there is not. So it's time to drop the hypocritical self-righteousness and accept that Einstein was right when he told us, "Problems cannot be solved at the same level of thinking that created them."

It has been the structural violence, oppression, caste discrimination, exploitation, greed, corruption and arrogance of the Nepali elites that has given rise to the Maoist movement, and the same people with the same ideology are now setting the stage for continued instability in their relentless quest for short term gains in money, power and fame. They are trying to crush the Maoists as a mainstream political force by imposing hardships on their cadres, by punishing instead of rehabilitating them.

Young people who have become inured to violence and who lack any prospects for education, jobs and improved living conditions will resort to crime in the short term and revolution in the slightly longer term. They will be a scourge. But are their demands unreasonable?

The only institution in Nepal today that inspires hope in the youth is the airport. Nearly all of them dream of going far away, to a place where their caste doesn't consign them to be treated like animals, where they can go as far as their talents and hard work can take them. They are bitter and pessimistic about Nepal. Now this brain drain is good from the perspective of the elite, because it takes away the most thoughtful and ambitious. It is not good for the economic development of the country, but past democratic governments have not pursued development because it's easier to rake in donor funds than the proceeds of private industry and easier to manipulate impoverished masses than a prosperous nation.

The rush to re-establish the status quo ante politically goes counter to the demands of the people's movement and will yield a short term bounty for the elites, but to the ultimate detriment of both Nepali society and the elites themselves. The parties delude themselves into thinking they have the support of the majority, who view them with distrust and disgust. A lot of the nation's youth are voicing support for the Maoists as a political force because, whatever their past misdeeds, they are the only ones with a vision and an inclusive philosophy.

In his insightful Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech the Bangladeshi economist and father of the microcredit movement, Dr Mohammad Yunus, said, "Peace should be understood in a human way − in a broad social, political and economic way. Peace is threatened by unjust economic, social and political order, absence of democracy, environmental degradation and absence of human rights. Poverty is the absence of all human rights. The frustrations, hostility and anger generated by abject poverty cannot sustain peace in any society. For building stable peace we must find ways to provide opportunities for people to live decent lives." He went on to state, "I believe that we can create a poverty-free world because poverty is not created by poor people. It has been created and sustained by the economic and social system that we have designed for ourselves; the institutions and concepts that make up that system; the policies that we pursue."

Articulating some noble sentiments, as the interim government has done, is deceptive and futile when the mechanisms of government are as corrupt and inefficient as Nepal's. Implementation of these worthy ideas by the current bureaucracy would be a miracle on par with the creation of the universe. Rapid, widespread and fearless corruption control must precede all else. The unjust social order must be dismantled. It is an unpalatable but undeniable historical truth that nowhere and never has an oppressive elite suddenly undergone simultaneous and radical character transformation; only when discredited persons and ideologies are replaced has progress occurred. It is also a gross distortion when the oppressors seek to portray themselves as victims and to label inclusiveness "caste warfare." Although nearly all of the elites are upper caste, the majority of the upper castes are non-elite and themselves exploited.

A good place to start rebuilding as Nepal struggles to move from medievalism to modernity is with the education and rehabilitation of the Maoist cadres. It would be an exercise in getting beyond the customary zero-sum thinking and understanding Dr Yunus's sound principles. It would be a sound investment in the future of Nepal. And it would be the right thing to do.

It was the youth who brought the monarchy to its knees. The martyrs and andolankari were overwhelmingly students and working class youth. For the old men who watched the people's movement on their colour TVs to emerge and attempt to recreate the dystopia they created in the name of democracy will not do. A new society is possible, as history proves. And the youth of Nepal should expect no more than this, and be content with no less.


Brian Cobb: Perpetual Andolan
Dr. Brian Cobb: Speech At Gongabu
Brian Cobb: Savagery On The Roof Of The World
Brian Cobb, Brave Man

In The News

Maoist central committee meeting concludes NepalNews finalised the names of Maoist representatives in the interim parliament .... the party has decided not to join the government unless the government withdraws the recent nominations in diplomatic missions and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). ...... The meeting also concluded that the government was trying to slow down the arms management process and that there have been conspiracies to delay the constituent assembly polls. ...... 80 percent of Maoist MPs would be women and representatives from indigenous nationalities and ethnic minorities
Recent Maoist protest programmes will not affect peace process: PM Koirala
Britain positive about involving ex-Gurkhas in arms management
Govt. to re-establish displaced police posts by mid-January: Sitaula
Teams to distribute citizenship from Jan 15 The government plans to complete the distribution of citizenship between mid-January and mid-March.
UML student wing announces agitation after the government failed to appoint vice chancellors in universities such as TU, Pokhara University, Purbanchal University and so on since the last nine months.
Armed Maoists leave camps in protest; Maoists issue 10-day ultimatum altogether 3,500 People's Liberation Army (PLA), including 800 PLA of the main cantonment camp of Chulachuli and the rest of other sub-camps, left the camps.
Lawmakers criticise government; urge to call back decision UML lawmaker Pradip Nepal said that the government breached all agreements reached between the government and the Maoists by nominating ambassadors unilaterally.
Bhutanese leader Rizal admitted to hospital he was released from the prison in 1999 where he was tortured during the decade-long detention in Bhutan.
Regional meet of Socialist International in Nepal
SPA leaders divided over govt appointments

ICG Report: Making Peace Work In Nepal

Click here to view the full report as a PDF file in A4 format. For more information about viewing PDF documents, please click here. This document is also available in MS-Word format

Nepal’s Peace Agreement: Making it Work

Asia Report N°126
15 December 2006

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Nepal’s government and Maoist rebels have signed a comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) declaring an end to the ten-year civil war, paving the way for inclusion of the rebels in mainstream politics and June 2007 elections to an assembly that is to write a new constitution. The deal has been welcomed by an optimistic public but implementation will not be straightforward: some central questions remain, and there is a serious risk the elections could be delayed, putting strain on the whole process. The UN has very high credibility but it will not last indefinitely, especially if there are delays. International support for its monitoring of both the two armies and the elections will be critical.

The peace agreement charts a course towards elections for a constituent assembly (CA) following formation of an interim legislature and government including the Maoists. In a detailed agreement on arms management, the Maoists have committed to cantonment of their fighters and locking up their weapons under UN supervision; the Nepalese Army (NA) will be largely confined to barracks. The constituent assembly, to be elected through a mixed first-past-the-post and proportional system, will also decide the future of the monarchy.

The CPA was signed on 21 November 2006 after months of slow progress following the success of the April 2006 mass movement that overturned King Gyanendra’s direct rule. The talks were sporadic and at one point came close to collapse. The Seven-Party Alliance (SPA) government was criticised for a lack of urgency and clarity; the Maoists pursued negotiations with more coherence but paid less attention to democratic methods. The process has now delivered significant results but some of the problems that characterised it since April – primarily a lack of solid dialogue mechanisms, poor facilitation, little attention to confidence-building and an opaque, elite-driven approach – may continue to dog the next stages.

The deal has its origins in the November 2005 SPA-Maoist agreement signed in New Delhi, which provided a basis for the April movement and a guiding framework for subsequent compromises. However, it represents a temporary convergence of interests more than a permanent shift in the underlying outlooks and interests of the sides. The SPA and the Maoists retain different visions for Nepal’s future institutions, and individual parties’ electoral interests will come increasingly to the fore. The peace accord will not in itself alter the exclusionary characteristics of public life or deliver urgently needed economic progress.

The significant remaining hurdles will all be exacerbated if elections are postponed:

Weak governance. Post-April confusion turned into a worrying power vacuum across the country, which the Maoists were quick to exploit. The government has failed to re-establish law and order and democratic governance. Control over the civil service, election commission and distribution of local posts – always key bones of contention for mainstream parties – may be particularly intense in the run-up to CA elections.

No deal on security structures. The Maoists want their fighters to be half of a new, downsized national force while the NA still wants them entirely disarmed. Neither army sees itself as defeated, so compromise will be difficult, and lack of progress may cause unrest among cantoned Maoist soldiers. With the NA suspicious of the peace process and yet to embrace democratic control, the Maoist demand for more solid guarantees is understandable.

Maoist behaviour. At least until November, the Maoists continued extortions and abductions while showing little sign they are ready for meaningful power sharing and opening up of democratic space. Demilitarising their politics will require more than just laying down weapons; without this, chances for free and fair elections are limited.

International involvement in the peace process has been mostly low-profile and supportive. The government and Maoists have asked the UN to take on new tasks and provide immediate assistance, and public expectations are high. But getting an effective monitoring force on the ground quickly will be a challenge: questions of mandate, funding, logistics and staffing need to be resolved quickly.

Nevertheless, the peace process has some momentum, which gives good grounds for Nepalis’ optimism. With continued compromise, political will and solid international support, a lasting peace is possible. Apart from shaping future institutional arrangements, the talks have agreed proposals for social and economic transformation – topics of immense public concern. However, only free and fair elections can give a government the necessary decisive mandate. Nothing should be allowed to put them off.

Recommendations

To the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist):

1. Build on the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) by:

(a) resolving remaining differences quickly and establishing the specified joint bodies and commissions, including, in particular, agreement on the scope and format of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission;

(b) setting realistic timetables for the remainder of the process, including fallback plans if the constituent assembly elections must be postponed;

(c) managing public expectations and disseminating information about the CPA; and

(d) developing provisional arrangements to take urgent decisions as necessary by alternative mechanisms such as joint working groups so any delays in forming an interim government do not stall the peace process.

2. Develop quickly plans to re-establish local governance and rule of law by:

(a) prioritising re-establishment of effective policing, including by involving local Maoist militias in helping to manage the transition in areas they currently control;

(b) deciding on a power-sharing mechanism to restore local government, deliver services and, where appropriate, deal with donors on implementation of local projects; and

(c) proceeding with proposed local peace councils only if they fulfil clearly defined functions which do not make them rival institutions to legitimate local government.

3. Build confidence on military matters by:

(a) establishing effective bilateral frameworks for joint planning on cantonment management and working with donors willing to support the cantonment process;

(b) addressing longer-term army restructuring and merging of Maoist fighters into the national army by establishing a joint committee as soon as the interim government is formed (as specified in the CPA) and proceeding with informal discussions until that date;

(c) developing further confidence-building and dialogue mechanisms that include commanders of both armed forces and working to ensure their active support for the peace process and professional input into discussions over their future form; and

(d) Making the NA-PLA-UN Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee an effective mechanism not just for monitoring agreement compliance but also for developing lower-level coordination to deal with potentially destabilising incidents such as natural disasters or public unrest.

4. Make the next stages of the peace process more inclusive by:

(a) actively seeking public input, including canvassing the views of conflict victims, without assuming that self-appointed groups are necessarily fully representative;

(b) encouraging independent voter education initiatives in the run-up to the constituent assembly elections;

(c) fulfilling promises to ensure fair representation of all marginalised groups (in interim bodies, as candidates for election and in negotiating teams, working groups, joint commissions and the like) and setting up a monitoring body or interim legislature committee to report on implementation;

(d) Expanding public forums, focus groups and local consultation sessions to reach out to communities which have difficulty making their voice heard in the capital and considering holding interim legislature sessions and other such meetings outside the capital;

(e) ensuring key decisions involve all SPA members, not only the top Nepali Congress Party and Maoist leaders, and encouraging broader debate, for example by recognising an official opposition within the interim legislature and consulting with non-SPA parties; and

(f) considering creation of a commission to broaden input into the new constitution-drafting process.

5. Investigate and resolve, as promised, all outstanding cases of alleged disappearances and cooperate in the investigation of criminal acts and war crimes committed during the conflict.

To the Government of Nepal:

6. Prepare for the formation of the interim government by completing implementation of existing policies, including:

(a) strengthening democratic control of the security sector by dissolving the palace military secretariat, bringing royal guards under the Nepalese Army chain of command, halting army recruitment and investigating, as promised, disappearances and other abuses alleged to have been carried out by the security forces;

(b) seeking advice from all concerned groups on implementation of the Rayamajhi Commission report and starting a wider public debate on acceptable forms of transitional justice; and

(c) reducing the size of the palace secretariat and bringing it within the mainstream civil service.

To the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist):

7. Immediately cease all activities that contravene recent agreements and international law and ensure that affiliated and subsidiary organisations do the same, including:

(a) ending extortion, intimidation and abduction;

(b) halting military recruitment and ensuring the prompt discharge of any soldiers younger than eighteen;

(c) recognising that the Maoist “new regime” is now defunct and disbanding all parallel government structures, including indirect mechanisms such as regional fronts;

(d) allowing the police, as agreed in the CPA, to maintain order and investigate criminal activities;

(e) assisting the return home of all conflict-displaced individuals (IDPs) if they wish and expediting the return of seized property; and

(f) demobilising local militia and ensuring they do not act as a parallel police force.

To India, the U.S., the European Union and Other Members of the International Community:

8. Maintain basic coordination, building on the consensus that restoration of rule of law and democratic space across the country is the top priority, and keep pressure on both sides to work towards a genuinely pluralist culture guaranteeing full civil and political rights.

9. Support the UN monitoring mission by:

(a) personnel, including by identifying and preparing candidates as soon as possible;

(b) visible political encouragement, especially from missions in Kathmandu; and

(c) cooperation with the UN to open local political space through coordinated civil affairs and police advisory assistance.

10. Provide effective development, reconstruction and other post-conflict assistance, including by:

(a) employing strict criteria, especially at the local level, when distributing aid to re-establish local governance, and releasing funds only when measurable targets are met, such as redeploying police or getting Village Development Committee secretaries in place and working;

(b) prioritising assistance that supports the opening of political space and the rule of law, even over aid for such security matters as cantonments and disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR);

(c) ensuring that proposed projects have the buy-in of all parties in the peace process;

(d) supporting the electoral process with money, helping the UN monitoring mission (which may be best placed to coordinate electoral assistance) and building the capacity of the Electoral Commission also beyond the immediate round of polls; and

(e) helping the government develop, including through extensive consultations, a plan for transitional justice that gives citizens a range of options to choose from and can gain broad public support.

Kathmandu/Brussels, 15 December 2006


In The News

DPM Oli defends nominations of ambassadors; Maoists to continue protest NepalNews
Bandh affects normal life in the capital; countrywide
Lawmakers criticise government; urge to call back decision
Joint inspection of PLA camps cancelled as Maoists protest govt appointments
Koirala urges Upadhyaya to head the NHRC
Mahara says new appointments could seriously affect peace process, Khanal says UML also in dark
Maoists clash with police, 12 injured
Citizenship Act 2006 and Dual Citizenship more than 1.4 million Nepalis are residing in different parts of the world excluding India and Bhutan ..... Legendary Sir Edmund Hillary is enjoying dual citizenship; one of New Zealand and another of Nepal . In this way, it seems Nepal has already adopted dual citizenship policy. ..... NRNA must not remain silent in these issues for the country that it wants to modernize, invest into, and live at whenever needed. This may be the reason some Nepalese including politicians and top class administrators do not show willingness to announce dual citizenship provision even as they are already aware of importance of dual citizenship.
Apex court upholds Citizenship Act
Justices ready to take oath before interim parliament: CJ Poudel
Arms and armies management as soon as UN team arrives: Sitaula
Maoists irked over naming of ambassadors
Govt names envoys to 14 diplomatic missions

Former CJ Upadhyaya to head NHRC

Interim constitution only after verification of Maoist arms and armies
Eight-party unity will continue: MK Nepal
Eight parties express commitment towards refugee repatriation

ICJ warns of dire consequence if CA polls postponed

Prachanda's praise for India creates illusion among masses: Indian Maoists
GDP in SA to expand by 8.2% in 2006, economic activities slowed in Nepal: WB

‘Change in Indo-Nepal trade treaty as per Nepal’s terms’ Kantipur Online, Nepal
India to adopt utmost flexibility in trade talks with Nepal Zee News, India
Black Flags Greet Madhav Nepal in Rautahat Himalayan Times, Nepal
"Maoists can emulate Nepal model" Hindu, India
Nepal closest of all: PranabPeaceJournalism.com

Maoists give 10-day ultimatum to issue interim statute Kantipur
Nepalis in India demand separate Gorkha State
Maoist-called strike cripples normal life across nation
Joint monitoring team's visit cancelled after Maoists walk off
PM requests a reluctant Upadhyay to head NHRC
Maoists, police clash in Mahottari
Business blooms in Maoist camps the demand for FM radio sets has suddenly gone up. ..... "I managed to sell radio sets worth eight thousand rupees in just four days." .... "The Maoists come asking for FM radio sets which cost around three hundred to four hundred rupees" .... Another Maoist guerilla revealed that comrades prefer listening to lokdohori (folk duets) and romantic songs, besides news bulletins. ..... According to divisional commander Suk Bahadur Rokka Magar, the fighters might have managed to buy the radios with savings on from their monthly allowance of Rs 600.
Growing inequality, a challenge for S Asia
Maternal mortality major problem in Nepal: World Disaster Report
Nepathya to tour the nation
Govt recommends ambassadors
I am ready to take oath from interim parliament: Chief Justice
US Embassy warns of visa scams
चेपाङ स्कुललाई सहयोग
मुगु एक्सरेविहीन
मन्त्रीका तोकमा कार्यकर्ता भर्ना
विमानमा नेपालीलाई छुट्टै व्यवहार
ब्यारेकमा धर्ना
गाउँघरसम्म राज्य
अधिकार ँराजा’ बन्न होइन
संवेदनशील महिला-पुरुष सम्बन्ध
माओवादीद्वारा प्रशासनिक काममा रोक
शान्तिपछि व्यापार बढ्दो
पुनःसंरचनाको प्रारूप नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसले राज्य पुनःसंरचनाको खाका तयार गर्न केन्द्रीय सदस्य डा रामवरण यादवको संयोजकत्वमा कार्यदल गठन गरेको छ । ...... "राज्यको चरत्रि सङ्घात्मक हुनेछ भने शासन प्रणाली केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको बीचमा अधिकार र कर्तव्यको स्पष्ट बाँडफाँट गरएिको स्वशासनको ढाँचामा आधारति हुनेछ," एमालेले आफ्नो अवधारणामा भनेको छ, "नयाँ राजनीतिक र प्रशासनिक एकाइको विभाजन गर्दाचाहिँ भौगोलिक अवस्  िथति, जनसङ् ख्या र जातिगत बसोवासको अवस् था, मातृभाषा र भाषाको प्रयोगको अवस्था, सांस्कृतिक सम्मिलनको अवस् था, प्रशासनिक सुगमता, आर्थिक-सामाजिक अन्तरसम्बन्ध, साधन-स्रोतको उपलब्धता र ऐतिहासिकताजस्ता पक्षलाई आधार बनाइनेछ ।" ...... "सङ्घीय संरचनाको विषयमा महाधिवेशनले औपचारकि निर्णय गरसिकेको छ," महामन्त्री विमलेन्द्र निधि भन्छन्, "अबचाहिँ त्यसको विस्तृत स्वरूप तयार गर्न कार्यदल गठन गर्छांै ।" ...... जनमोर्चाका नेता पर िथापा भन्छन्, "अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्बन्ध, राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा, मुद्राबाहेक अरू सबै अधिकार जातीय, क्षेत्रीय स् वशासनलाई दिनुपर्छ । ....... "केन्द्रले परराष्ट्र, सुरक्षा र मौदि्रक नीतिबाहेक सबै कुराहरू सङ्घलाई दिनुपर्छ । यसो भएमा मात्रै स् वशासनको प्रत्याभूति हुन्छ ।" ...... माले महासचिव सीपी मैनालीका शब्दमा हालको सामन्ती, केन्द्रीकृत, खसजाति केन्दि्रत, पितृसत्तात्मक, औपनिवेशिक प्रभावमा रहको एकात्मक राज्य संरचनालाई बदल्नु नै पुनःसंरचना हो । "त्यसैले केन्द्रीकृत राज्यको सट्टा जातीय-क्षेत्रीय स्वशासन दिनुपर्छ" ...... पार्टीगत हिसाबले नेपाल सद्भावना पार्टी (आनन्दीदेवी) र नेकपा (माओवादी) ले मात्रै सङ्घीय स्वरूप तोकेका छन् । भौगोलिक क्षेत्रका हिसाबले पूर्व पहाडी प्रदेश, केन्द्रीय पहाडी प्रदेश, पश्चिम पहाडी प्रदेश, पूर्व तराई र पश्चिम तराई गरी पाँच प्रान्त बनाउने र हिन्दीलाई नेपाली भाषासरह सम्पर्क भाषाको दर्जा दिनेदेखि राज्यका विभिन्न तहमा मधेशी समुदायका लागि ५० प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिनुपर्ने प्रस्ताव सद्भावना पार्टीको छ । ....... माओवादीको स्थानीय निकायसम्बन्धी निर्देशिकामा केन्द्रीय सत्ताबाहेक नेपालमा सातवटा जातीय र दुईवटा क्षेत्रीय गरी नौवटा स्वायत्त प्रदेशहरू रहने उल्लेख छ । र, ती प्रत्येक राज्यभित्र जिल्लास्तरीय र गाउँ नगर गरी दुई तहका स्थानीय ढाँचा रहने पनि सो पार्टीको जिकिर छ । ...... "काङ्ग्रेस वैज्ञानिक ढङ्गबाट जान चाहन्छ," डा यादव भन्छन्, "अरू पार्टी हडबडाएर कुरा गररिहेका छन् । उनीहरूलाई धेरै क्रान्तिकारी बन्नु छ । जे मन लाग्छ, त्यही बोलिरहेका छन् । " उनका अनुसार, संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनअघि काङ्ग्रेसले पनि आफ्नो विस्तृत विवरणसहितको ठोस अवधारणा बाहिर ल्याउनेछ । काङ्ग्रेस (प्रजातान्त्रिक) का महामन्त्री निधिचाहिँ अन्तरमि संविधान र शान्ति वार्तामा अलमल भएकाले राज्यको पुनःसंरचनामा पार्टीहरूले गृहकार्य गर्न नसकेको स्वीकार गर्छन् । ..... भूगोलविद् डा पीताम्बर शर्माले छवटा सङ्घ र त्यसअन्तर्गत १९ जिल्लाको प्रस्  ताव गरेका छन् । ...... नेपालको जातीय मामिलाका जानकार गोविन्द न्यौपानेले जातीयतालाई आधार बनाउँदै ११ प्रदेशमा विभाजन गरेका छन् भने महेन्द्र लावतीले पनि १३ प्रदेशमा विभाजन गरेका छन् । डा हर्क गुरुङले २५ वटा विकास जिल्लाको प्रस्ताव अघि सारेका थिए । एमाले केन्द्रीय सदस्य राजेन्द्र श्रेष्ठले १४ वटा प्रदेशको अवधारणा ल्याएका छन् भने अर्का केन्द्रीय सदस् य शङ्कर पोखरेलले १५ वटा प्रदेशसहितको प्रस् ताव अघि सारेका छन् । प्राध्यापक कृष्ण खनालले चाहिँ समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि १४ वटा निर्वाचन क्षेत्रहरूको प्रस्ताव गरेका छन् । ...... मुलुकको कुनै पनि क्ष्ाेत्रमा कुनै एक जातको सघन बसोवास नभएकाले माओवादीको जातीय स् वशासनको अवधारणा अवैज्ञानिक भएको जिकिर अन्य दलहरूले गररिहेका छन् । ........ ३५ लाखभन्दा बढी जनसङ्ख्या भएका क्षेत्रीदेखि केवल एक सय ६४ सङ्ख्या भएका कुसुन्डासम्म बसोवास गर्छन् । ..... सङ्ख्यात्मक हिसाबले सबैभन्दा ठूलो समूहमा पर्ने क्षेत्री समुदाय १५ दशमलव ८० प्रतिशत छन् भने त्यसपछिको ठूलो समूह बाहुन १२ दशमलव ७४ प्रतिशत मात्रै छन् । यीबाहेक मगर, थारु, तामाङ र नेवार जातिचाहिँ पाँच प्रतिशतभित्र पर्छन् । कुल जनसङ् ख्याको एक प्रतिशतसम्म भाग ओगट्ने जनजाति त १८ वटा छन् । बाँकी सबै एक प्रतिशतभन्दा कम सङ्ख्यामा छन् । ........ ७५ जिल्लामध्ये क्षेत्री नौवटामा र मगर, थारु, तामाङ, नेवार र गुरुङ एक-एकवटामा गरी जम्मा १४ जिल्लामा मात्र कुनै एक जात, जनजातिको पूर्ण बहुमत रहेको देखिन्छ । ........ मधेशी जनाधिकार फोरमले चाहिँ भूगोलका आधारमा राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गरनिुपर्ने प्रस्ताव अघि सारेको छ । त्यसो गर्दा पूर्वमेचीदेखि पश्चिम महाकालीसम्म समग्र मधेशलाई एउटा प्रदेश बनाउनुपर्ने जिकिर पनि उनीहरूको छ । "मधेशलाई टुक्राटुक्रा पार्ने हो भने मिथिलाबाहेक अन्य प्रदेशमा मधेशको मानिसको प्रतिनिधित्व हुन सक्दैन," फोरमका सचिवालय सदस्य जयप्रकाशप्रसाद गुप्ता भन्छन् । ............ झन्डै १३ प्रतिशत जनसङ्ख्या रहेको दलितहरूको आधार क्षेत्र नै छैन । ...... दलित एक जात समूह मात्र नभई क्षेत्रीय, भाषिक एवम् जातीय हिसाबले समेत विभाजित छ । ..... राजनीति र प्रशासनमा बाहुन, क्षेत्री र नेवार समुदायको वर्चस्व छ तर त्यसको मुख्य आधार वर्ग नै रहेको छ । ...... दलित र अन्य अल्पसङ्ख्यक समुदायले पनि आरक्षणको माग गररिहेका छन् । "हामी आरक्षणभन्दा पनि अधिकारको आधारमा सुरक्षित गर्ने भन्छौँ," सद्भावनाकी सरतिा गिरी भन्छिन्, "मधेशमा महिलाहरूका लागि निर्वाचन क्षेत्र नै सुरक्षित गर्नुपर्छ ।" ..... "माओवादीले आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारसहितको जातीय-क्षेत्रीय स्वशासन भनेका छन् भने हामीले आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारको सिद्धान्तका आधारमा जातीय स्वशासन भनेका छौँ," नेपाल आदिवासी जनजाति महासङ्घका महासचिव ओम गुरुङ भन्छन्, "हामीले भन्दै आएको आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार छुट्टनिे अधिकार होइन ।" ....... मधेशमा क्रियाशील हुँदै आएको मधेशी जनाधिकार फोरमको धारणाचाहिँ भिन्न छ । फोरमका सचिवालय सदस्य जेपी गुप्ताको भनाइमा आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार भनेको स्वशासन हो । तर, यसलाई छुट्टएिर जाने अधिकार हो भन्ने व्याख्या गर्दै राज्यको पुनःसंरचनाको विरुद्धमा जनमत तयार गर्न लागेको उनको आरोप छ । ...... नेपालमा पछिल्लो जनगणनाले ९२ वटा भाषा र बोलीहरूको पहिचान गरेको छ । ..... नेपाली भाषालाई मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रयोग गर्नेहरूको सङ्ख्यासमेत पूर्ण बहुमतमा देखिँदैन । मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रचलनमा रहेका अन्य भाषाहरूमा मैथिली, भोजपुरी, थारु, तमाङ, नेवारी, अवधि, गुरुङ र लिम्बू भाषा रहेका छन् । जसलाई मातृभाषाका रूपमा प्रयोग गर्नेहरूको सङ्ख्या एक देखि १२ प्रतिशतसम्म रहेको छ । .... एमाले नेता शङ्कर पोखरेल भन्छन्, "कुनै पनि जातिको मुख्य पहिचान भाषा नै हो ।" उनको भनाइमा एक प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी भएको भाषा र जातिलाई कुनै न कुनै स्थानमा उनीहरूको बाहुल्य हुने ढाँचा खोज्नुपर्छ भने राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गर्दा सांस्कृतिक पहिचानलाई पनि उत्तिकै ध्यान दिनुपर्छ । "केन्द्रीय राज्यसत्ताको जातीय र सांस्  कृतिक प्रभुत्वको नीतिले नेपालका कतिपय समुदायका अगुवाहरूमा नेपाल देश हाम्रो हो तर राज्य होइन भन्ने धारणा विकास भएको पाइन्छ," पोखरेल भन्छन् । ...... सद्भावना नेतृ सरतिा गिरी भन्छिन्, "सबै राजनीतिक दलहरूले राज्यको पुनःसंरचना गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने कुरामा सहमति जनाउनु नै ठूलो उपलब्धि हो ।" ....... यतिखेर सबै राजनीतिक दलहरू राज्य पुनःसंरचनाबारे आफ्नो अवधारणा तयार गर्न व्यस्त छन् । सबैले सिद्धान्ततः यसलाई स्वीकार गरसिकेका छन् । तैपनि, विस्तृत प्रारूप तयार भइसकेको छैन । ...... संविधानसभामा गणतन्त्रपछिको प्रमुख मुद्दा यही नै हुनेछ । ......पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको राज्य विस्तार अभियानअगाडि नेपाल करीब करीब सङ्घात्मक राज्यकै स्वरूपमा थियो । अब सङ्घीय संरचनामा जानु भनेको पृथ्वीनारायण शाहले बलपूर्वक लादेको एकात्मक राज्यलाई भत्काउने र खोसिएका अर्थात् दबाइएका जातीय, भाषिक, सांस्कृतिक र भौगोलिक अधिकारहरूको पुनःस्थापना गर्नु हो । काठमाडौँ केन्दि्रत अवसर र विकासलाई विकेन्द्रीकृत गर्ने हो । केन्द्रमा रहेको शासकीय अधिकार जनतामा ल्याउनु हो । ...... केन्द्र, प्रदेश, जिल्ला र गाउँ सरकार गरी चारवटा तह पनि बनाउन सकिन्छ । ...... सङ्घात्मकतामा आधारति केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायको अधिकार र दायित्वबारे स्पष्ट हुनुपर्दछ । त्यसको अभावमा केन्द्र, प्रदेश र स्थानीय निकायबीच अनावश्यक द्वन्द्व र टकराव उत्पन्न हुनसक्दछ । नेपालको सन्दर्भमा केन्द्रसँग राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा, वैदेशिक सम्बन्ध, केन्द्रीय ब्याङ्क, मुद्रा र वित्तीय प्रणाली, रेलवे, हवाई र प्रमुख राष्ट्रिय मार्गहरू, सर्वाेच्च अदालत, ठूला जलविद्युत् आयोजना, बहुप्रादेशिक प्राकृतिक सम्पदाहरूको बाँडफाँट र प्रादेशिक विभाजनको सामाञ्जस्यता अधिकार र दायित्व हुनुपर्दछ । प्रदेशमा विधायकी अधिकारसहितको संसद्, न्यायालय, सार्वजनिक सुरक्ष्ाा, व्यापार, उद्योग, श्रम व्यवस्था, सडक, वन, जल र जमीनको व्यवस्थापन तथा उपयोग, शिक्ष्ाा र स्वास्थ्यलगायतका अधिकार हुनुपर्छ । ...... हामीकहाँ प्रचलित 'वेस्ट मिनिस्टर' मोडेल काम लाग्दैन । ..... स्वीट्जरल्यान्ड र दक्षिण अपि|mकामा झैँ राज्यको ढाँचामा जुन पार्टीको जति प्रतिशत भोट छ, त्यसकै आधारमा सहमति कायम गर्दै काम गर्ने पद्धति हुनुपर्दछ । ....... राष्ट्र प्रमुख भने प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचनबाट चयन हुने व्यवस्था गरनिुपर्दछ ....... एउटा निश्चित विकासको स्थितिमा नपुगेसम्म अल्पसङ्ख्यक भाषाभाषी, जनजाति, मधेशी र धर्मलाई हरेक तहको प्रतिनिधिसभाको उम्मेदवारी, सरकारी प्रशासन, न्यायालय, सेना, प्रहरी र निर्वाचित निकायमा आरक्ष्ाणको व्यवस्था गरनिुपर्छ । ...... लिपि र साहित्य भएका प्रत्येक भाषालाई सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा घोषित गर्नुपर्छ । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सम्पर्क, राष्ट्रिय सम्पर्क भाषा र आफ्नो मातृभाषालाई आधार बनाउनु पर्दछ । आफ्नो लिपि र साहित्य नभएकालाई पनि अड्डा-अदालत र संसद्मा बोल्ने हक हुनुपर्दछ । ...... क्रान्तिकारी भूमिसुधार गरी भूमिमा उनीहरूको अधिकार स्थापित गराउनुपर्दछ । यसो गर्दा भूमिको अधिकार मात्रै स्थापित हँुदैन, उत्पादन पनि बढ्दछ । ...... भूमिसुधारबिना कृषिलाई व्यवसायीकरण र औद्योगीकरण गर्न सकिँदैन । मुलुकको प्रमुख क्षेत्र कृषिको विकासबिना मुलुकको समृद्धि सम्भव छैन । ....... पार्टीहरूको पनि लोकतान्त्रीकरण हुनैपर्दछ र पार्टीमा सबै जाति, भाषा, लिङ्ग, वर्गको समावेशीकरण हुनैपर्दछ । ....... पार्टीको संरचनामा प्रवेश गर्नै नसकेका समुदायहरूलाई पार्टीको संरचनामा ल्याउन र महिलाहरूलाई ३३ प्रतिशत सहभागीको ग्यारेन्टी गर्न पार्टीमा बाध्यकारी व्यवस्थाहरू तय गर्नुपर्दछ । ...... नेतृत्व छनोट गर्दा संसदीय सुनुवाइ वा जनसुनुवाइको व्यवस्था गरी न्याय क्षेत्रलाई पूर्ण लोकतान्त्रिक, पारदर्शी र जनआधारति बनाउनुपर्दछ । ..... पूर्णरूपमा भेदभावयुक्त, थोरै मालिकहरू र धेरै नोकरहरू, थोरै सामन्तहरू र धेरै दासहरू, थोरै राजाहरू र धेरै रैतिहरू भएको गरीब तथा प्रतिष्ठा गुमाएको एउटा हिमाली राष्ट्रका रूपमा विश्व मानचित्रमा नेपालको परचिय निर्माण भयो । ...... विदेश सम्बन्ध र सुरक्षाबाहेकका सबै विषयको अन्तिम निर्णय प्रदेश आफैँले गर्न पाउनुपर्दछ । ...... यसका लागि हाम्रो जस्तै भूपरविेष्ठित सानो युरोपेली राष्ट्र स्वीट्जर ल्यान्डले अवलम्बन गरेको स्वीस महासङ्घीय संरचना उपयुक्त हुनसक्छ । धार्मिक, सांस् कृतिक र जातीय विविधता भएको स्वीट्जरल्यान्डले चारवटा भाषाहरूलाई राष्ट्रिय भाषाको मान्यता प्रदान गरेको छ भने आफ्ना सबै प्रान्तहरूलाई स्वायत्तता र आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकार दिएको छ । ........ धार्मिक र जातीय प्रश्नहरू अब आर्थिक मापदण्डको आधारमा हल हुनुपर्दछ । आज कतिपय ब्राह्मण, क्ष्ाेत्री-ठकुरीहरू सबैभन्दा कमजोर आर्थिक जीवन यापन गररिहेका छन् । जङ्गलमा बस्ने कुसुन्डा, राउटे हुन् अथवा गरीब जनजाति मधेशी वा ब्राह्मण, क्षेत्री, ठकुरी हुन .......