Inbox 16

From: Sachet Samaj

Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 9:17:14 PM
Subject: Abominating adversary: deflecting dissent
It has become quite apparent that any SPAM critic will immediately be accused of being a royalist stooge. If maoist victims stage protests, the royalists are blamed for organizing it. If the Madheshis revolt, the royalists are accused of infiltrating and inciting the rioting. If the water level to generate electricity recedes, the royalist malfeasance is held responsible for the forty hours of darkness. If any one writes against the SPAM, it is imputed as Royalist propaganda. Now, if anything unfavourable befalls upon SPAM, rather than addressing it in a befitting manner, we can naturally expect them to blame the adversity on the royalists. More at:

Another issue came up ! Whether you have the 'right to vote' from abroad or not ? Can we vote down here from USA or other countries also? Of-course yes, we have the right to vote from abroad also.
Thanks, Saita 1977 ----- Original Message ---- From: ""
To: Rana 1616 ; Saita 1977 ; Pashupati Chaudhary ; Netra B. Darai ; Mahesh Limbu ; Prem Pulami ; Mukti Narayan Rai ; Shiva Kumar Rai
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 7:25:03 PM


Please check below.

14 Allen Street
Somerville, MA 02143
Tel: 617 372 3587

----- Original Message ----
From: Chunda Bajracharya
To: sushila manandhar ; Jaya limbu ; B.K Rana ; Dibya R Hada ; EROS ; jwajalapa ; Subhash Ram Lachhi
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 12:39:44 PM

Hi Friends,
I have just read and signed the petition: "NEPALIS ABROAD DEMAND THE RIGHT TO VOTE"
Please take a moment to read about this important issue, and join me in signing the petition. It takes just 30 seconds, but can truly make a difference. Please sign here:

From: Madhesh Forum
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 6:42:49 PM
Subject: Seeing site when banned and others

1. How to see the site when BANNED

TIPS: If you ever find this site blocked by your ISP, you can browse the site by going to and entering there to proxify. Please keep this information with you or note it down, so that you can browse the site whenever it is blocked.

2. Madhesh as Colony

3. Why economic sanction on Nepal?

4. Foreign Aids: Funding Terrorism in Nepal

From: Prakash Bom
To: Shailesh Shrestha
Cc: Sanjaya Parajuli ; SOMU & ARCHU ; Paramendra Kumar Bhagat
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 10:48:55 AM
Subject: Re: My appreciation...

Thank you.

Very goo Shailesh Ji. We have to be rational and reasonable for our native problem. It is true that the Hindu religion that insists on the caste system is responsible originally for marginalizing Dalit and Janajati people with its superstitions. However, the feudal oligarchic governance structure is the one that is solely responsible for the marginalized conditions of Dalits, Janajati and other ethnic groups.

After declaring Nepal 'Federal Democratic Republic' and instituting the new constitution after the successful elections of the constituent assembly elections - Nepali soceity will still need social-revolutions (in conduct and politcal practice) such as adaption of the inter-caste & enter-ethnic marriage, intermigle of religions practice (meaning abolition of the discriminations = Open Pasupati Temple for all - No Bhatta Bahun in the Temple) and so on.

Caste and ethnic problem of Nepal needs twenty more years of social behaviour changes in the mindset of Nepali people through democratic rule of law and politically correct social conducts. Madhesi talk about their civil rights. But if we look in to their social practice - they call old-woman WITCH and atrocise her - this has happened several times in Madhes.

We have to learn about ourselves first before we point 'Bhaisi' on someone's belly without seeing the lies crawling all over in our own underwares.

We all have to watch out and do someting constructive to defeat the regressive forces that are on the rise in Nepal now.

Keep rolling

PS: Susil Prajuli supposed to call a get-together (forum or discussion group) on models of the Federal Governance Structures for Nepal so that the political leaderships and constitutional experts can see it from different angles. I am still waiting to hear from him. Hopefully it will happen soon.

On 3/2/07, Shailesh Shrestha wrote:

Dear Prakash jee
First of all I thank you for your all and every updated mail which I have beening receiving continiously and I really appreciate your defending role of this very fragile and complicated political situation. I completely agree on your base ideology of federalism of our diversified nation that has to be solved and addressed based of class based politics rather than any regional or ethnical base. As we all are aware since we are advocating for republican set up of our country after complete abolishment of fuedal monarchy.
This is very unfortune what happening these days in the name of movements( you may name it any thing Madhesi, janajati, dalit, Chepang etc.), where are the route cause of problem?? Of course elsewhere in our society, those who were supressed by the name of cast and religion.
Now the regressive hiden force has came to the surface to provoke the sentimental mass. There is no doubt of infiltration in the Madhesi and Janajati movement. The Nepali people will be able to reveal the real face of Upendra Yadav and many more so called leaders.
I am waiting the right time and forum to speak laud and clear based on my political belief and understanding to win over the ethnical provocation.
Shailesh Shrestha
Cell. (646) 334 2158

From: Ram B Chherti
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 9:36:16 AM
Subject: RE: [DFN] Gopal Siwakoti

Thank you for all this.Very interesting,revealing and relevant.


The nepal senario is going to be like this in comming days

Maoist will contunie to show bullyness -> Jantati will fear from maosit -> will ask for collaboration with MPRF -> MPRF will become more stronger -> maoist will then contiue bullyness to parties for vote share -> party will come to MPRF for support -> upendra will be leader and leade battle against maoist - > maoist wil become mad & will use arms strongly -> parties will support use of army for maoist

From: Ram Manohar
To: Paramendra Bhagat
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 9:35:40 AM
Subject: an article for you


Write a article around this theme. Please don't use this article, since this article is from a yahoo group ( nepaloffices).


Madhesh Vs Maoist: or Sitaula is using PLA to protect his Job?

Madhesh Vs Maoist: or Sitaula is using PLA to protect his Job?

Dear All,
I am ethnically not considered as Madhesi until now but I belong from Madhesh and proud to be a Madhesi. As we know that, our country has been crossed the limitation of crisis. Maoist has forcedly changed into the previously declared peaceful movement of Madhesi, Indigenous people and others’ into brutal violent due to their guerrilla attack on peaceful demonstration e.g. in Lahan, Butwal, Dang, Nepalgunj, Bardia etc.

Many normal Nepalese are still unknown about the fact that why PLA is attacking continuously on such peaceful demonstrations? Why Maoist is allowed to carry weapons and arms illegally against the peace agreement? Why Sitaula still provides continuous protection to the illegal weapons, arms and terrorist activities of the Maoist cadres e.g. Udaypur, Koupondole, Chisapani, and Singh Durbar Gate etc?

As many guerilla of Madhesi allied Maoist are saying, there is no specific reason that they need to attack on their own family, brothers and relative who are allied in the ongoing Madhesi movement. They says, the exiting demand of Madhesi , Indigenous people and others are legitimate and they express their moral support too but they told that they are forced by central command to do such brutal attack on peaceful demonstrations in the name of regressive forces otherwise they would have to face internal punishment.

The basic policy of Sitaula and Prachanda concerning the ongoing movement is to apply “divide and rule” Sitaula has realized that he could not continue his job without using the Madhesi against Madhesi and Maoist has been also realized that they are loosing their gripe from Madhesh.

Finally, Sitaula did agreement with Prachanda and Co. According to the agreement, Sitaula committed to provide such terrible protection and special privilege against the Laws to the Maoist. The Maoist leaders also believed that the bilateral agreement would help Maoist to hold continuous dictator power and will helpful in forthcoming election too.

In another hand, The Maoist command committed with Sitaula to mobilize their Madhesi Guerrilla against the ongoing Madhesi demonstrators to suppress the booming movement of Madhesi. They believe that the counter attack on Madhesi against Madhesi will able to suppress the demand and need of ongoing movement, which can protect Sitaula’s job and Madhesi Movementers will afraid from the damageds and they will leave the demand of Sitaula’s resignation and other too. Hence, Maoist can easily rule the Madhesh as hilly mountainous rural areas and Sitaula will be in power forever.

Sitaula trust that mobilization and utilization of Madhesi Maoist guerrilla against the ongoing movement are more effective and efficient in comparison to the mobilization of police and militaries. Maoist also committed that they will save his job in exiting cabinet and in interim cabinet too and they will advocate in favor of Sitaula in case of any crisis and will work as lifeguard.

Except the agreement, I also did not see any specific reason that Maoist should act against Madhesi because it is most dangerous for Maoist’s healths and it could decrease the life expectancy of Maoist and will push the existence of Maoist into crisis. Thank you.

Please write your healthy comments, suggestions.

From: Siddhartha Thapa
To: D Shah ; Paramendra Kumar Bhagat ; Sunil Bahadur Thapa ; ravni ; RJ Singh
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 9:02:38 AM
Subject: pls visit the link

From: bichari rai
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 6:56:38 AM
Subject: bichari chamling.

parmendra jee !
maile yaha bata dherai website haruko janakari pairaheko chhu.
abadekhi tapaile kehi news haru haru pani pathaunu paryo hai.
ra direct yo mail add ma send garnu hola la.


From: Satya Narayan Shah
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 5:26:46 AM

Dear All
Please find attached Appeal from LOKTATNRIK MADHESHI SAMAJ, JANAKPUR. I do believe that we all agree with the sentiments mentioned in the appeal. Hence, it becomes our moral duty to pay HOMAGE to the MARTYRS OF MADHESH through DEDICATING THIS YEAR HOLI TO THEM BY NOT PLAYING COLORS . Let us all follow it.

Er.Satya Narayan Shah
Cell:- +977 98510 04366
Phone: +977 1 4465729/2030068

From: Joint Forum for Human Rigths and Peace (JFHRP-Nepal)
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2007 4:08:31 AM
Subject: Media release

Dear all
Please find the attachment.

Ratan Bhandari
On be half of

GPO Box 20274
60 New Plaza Marga, Putalisadak
Kathmandu, Nepal
Tel: +977-1-016205201 Fax +977-1-4419610

From: Colin Magar
Sent: Thursday, March 1, 2007 11:53:05 PM
Subject: Re: Please

Dear Permendra JI

I told u couple of time before also please don,t send me any more mail. I don,t have time to read yr mail.


From: Anil Shahi
Sent: Thursday, March 1, 2007 10:05:41 PM
Subject: Fwd: Citizens' Movement needs you!!


For those of you who may not have received my original message reagarding donations for Citizens' Movement Republican Concert, you can read it below.

This is just a friendly reminder that due to extremely tight time frame, we'll have to close the drive by Saturday, March 3rd, 2007. So far, I have only gotten pledges from three people, including myself, and if you are not one of them, and are still interested in donating a small amount, please email me ASAP.

Please forward this email to anyone who you think might be interested too.


Anil (ET).

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Anil Shahi
Date: Feb 26, 2007 3:01 PM
Subject: Citizens' Movement needs you!!
To: ,

Dear all,

Please view the attached flyer for information on Nagarik Samaj's (Citizens' Movement for Democracy & Peace) new initiative to spread the awareness on the need to create a Republic of Nepal. In short, they are starting a series of musical concerts throughout Nepal to deliver the messages of Republic of Nepal. The first of these concerts will be taking place on Sunday, March 4th, in Kathmandu.

Two of my close friends -- Basanta and Ashmina Ranjit -- who also happen to be active membres of CMDP, have asked me to explore the possibility of raising some funds to finance those events. Needless to say, CMDP has proven itself to be the strongest and the most credible voice of Republicanism in Nepal, with famous bullwarks as the likes of Dr. Devendra Panday and Krishna Pahadi as it's frontliners. However, more often than not, they have been cash-stricken, and have been able to do much less than they'd have liked to.

The flyer mentions the ticket prices for those who can attend any or some of the concerts. Those of us living in the US can perhaps donate whatever we can (even a small amount of $5 would go a long way in Nepal). Or, if you wish you can donate the amount equivalent to one of the ticket prices, which would be much appreciated by the CMDP folks in Nepal. Let's at least express our strong solidarity with them.

Since we have extremely limited time frame to do this, I am doing this privately by emailing only the close network of friends, like you guys, whom I believe have strong and obvious sympathies for the cause of Republicanism in Nepal. In the future, I plan to do more agrressive fund raisers by organizing various events organizationally. But for this time around, CMDP needs help right now, particularly from it's staunch supporters.

If you are interested, you can immediately pledge the amount you would like to donate by emailing me, so that I can have a rough idea of how much can be expected. You can then mail me the check (made out personally to me) at the following address:

Anil Shahi
111-01 78th Avenue
Forest Hills, NY 11375

For the purposes of transparency, I will make the list of donors and the amount raised available to those who've donated by Sunday, March 4th. If you'd like to remain anonymous, please state so in a separate note along with the check. I will also get a letter of acknowledgement from CDMP once the total amount has been transfered to them.

With best regards,

Anil (ET)

Citizen's Movement for Democracy and Peace

March 2, 2007


In the mission towards the establishment of a Democratic Republic Nepal, the Citizen's Movement for Democracy and Peace (CMDP) is organizing Republican Cultural Programmes nationwide. Well-known artists who have always been active in favour of the peoples’ movement will be participating in the Republican Cultural Concert (2007) in Kathmandu on March 2, 2007. This concert will be the forum in which we will raise funds in order to hold cultural programmes nationwide. We humbly request you and your organization to contribute in order to make this Republican Cultural Concert (2007) a grand success. We also request Nepalese residents living abroad and foreign friends of Nepal to contribute to this concert by buying tickets, or by making generous donations, which will help their relatives and friends to observe all of our planned programs nationwide.

Ticket Rates:

Rs. 5000
Rs. 3000
Rs. 2000
Rs. 1000

Dr. Devendra Raj Panday
Citizen's Movement for Democracy and Peace

In order to contribute please contact the following people:
America: Anil Shahi, + 917 670 1051 // +718 575 9385
Nepal: Ashmina Ranjit, + 977- 985 102 6155

From: kumud khanal
Sent: Thursday, March 1, 2007 7:03:24 PM
Subject: RE: [DFN] Gopal Siwakoti


From: Manoj Katwal
Sent: Thursday, March 1, 2007 12:40:40 PM
Subject: Re: [DFN] Gopal Siwakoti

hey, you are still sending me this F**King news. You don't get it
huh...asshole -- STOP sending this F**king news.

From: ""
Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 11:31:19 PM
Subject: Thanks

Dear Parmendra,
Many Thanks for your help.
I got his add thru Ashmina.


Hi Jaya. I don't have it right away. Perhaps Ashmina has it.

Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 10:27:20 PM
Subject: message


You can just convey a simple message like this:

The site seems to be banned in Nepal. Meanwhile, the readers can visit the site by by going to and entering there to proxify. For any queries or help, you can contact the site administrator by emailing at

Thank you very much.


Thank you very much.

From: RJ Singh
To: Rajpal J.P. Singh
Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 10:20:07 PM
Subject: Part VIII: Unite We Stand - Divided We Fall

Current Affairs: Monarchy in Existential Crisis

Talking monarchy may be unpopular these days in Nepal, but a true democracy deserves more than a "spiral of silence," says RABIN CHITRAKAR.

We all have preferences. Some of us want change NOW. Others want it the RIGHT WAY. Yet others wish neither happened.

Whatever the choices, the bloodshed in the past decade has forced our leaders to work for peace. And a peace process is in place. Unfortunately, there are some roadblocks to a sustainable peace.

I am not a die-hard supporter of any party, or the king, for that matter. But I believe in a just society, in an inclusive society. Equality, at least in theory, is such an enchanting idea, but no society is equal. We create hierarchies of all sorts intentionally or unintentionally. Equality, whether it is emanating from a king's wishes or from the Maoists' decree, cannot replace fairness and justice, which is so scarce these days in Nepal. Everyone is playing their own trumpets and expects others to listen to none other but them.

After the Maoist insurgency that killed around 15,000 people, the country was in a great chaos. The parties were unable to solve the problem. The five years term of the Parliament was over. The then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba could not conduct general election on time. He recommended the king for dissolution of the house and prolongation of the general election for the second time by six months by applying article 127 of the constitution. His government was dissolved by the king on the charge of incompetence. The King made three consecutive governments under Lokendra Bahadur Chand, Surya Bahadur Thapa and again Sher Bahadur Deuba. Some parties, including United Marxist and Leninist (UML) took the appointment of Deuba as the Prime Minister again as a correction of the king's earlier steps and hence joined the government.

However, Nepali Congress (NC) continued to demand the restoration of the House. Deuba's government again could not hold general election at the given time. On Feb. 1st, 2005, the king dismissed the existing coalition government of Deuba again on the same charge and formed a new cabinet under his own chairmanship asking for three years of time. Political parties did not support his action. All the parties joined hands with NC's unconditional demand. The king held municipal elections as the preparation for the general election. But most of the parties did not take part in the polls. So the king also could not bring relative peace, the unconditional demand of Nepalis. He could not resist the pressure of the parties. He restored the dissolved lower House in April 2006.

The parties took the proclamation as their victory over the king who was the chief of the national army. The lower house was restored from the provision of the constitution. But surprisingly, and immediately, the whole constitution was paralyzed. It has been abolished with the interim constitution declared on January 16, 2007. The proclamation has victimized the proclaimer himself. All the powers of the king has been snatched. He is in a state of abduction. Increasingly, it looks like the constitutional assembly is going to abolish the very
institution of monarchy in Nepal.

The parties were successful in forcing the king to restore the house mainly because of the support of the Maoist party.

So what do we have now? We now have a Nepal divided into anti-royalists, liberal royalists and neutrals. The only difference is the former have the freedom to do what they please and the latter have been denied any voice. The peace process is so fragile that the Maoists continue their decree, and they continue to kidnap and abduct and extort people whenever they please. In remote districts people continue to pay taxes to both the Maoists and the government.

America may have declared its war on terror. But in Nepal the Maoists, in alliance with other political parties, have declared their war on Monarchy. All of a sudden, after April 2006, anything monarchical has become anathema in our national discourse. The object of hatred used to be Maoists. Now it is monarchy and monarchical elements. We have merely shifted the gears. We have not learned much from past experiences.

Another existential crisis In the name of democracy, the parties have recruited and appointed MPs, without elections of any short. On the other hand, royalist parties and their representatives have been boycotted. There is no freedom for pro-monarchical constituencies. In December 2006, a mob disrupted a national convention of one of the pro-palace parties in Pokhara. It did not end there. A group of Maoists attacked the party members who were on their way to the Prime Minister's residence to submit a memorandum against that disruption. The Maoists' intention has been to abolish monarchy no matter what. Can we, then, expect a free and fair constitutional election under such circumstance?

Talking about fairness, this whole problem started because of a general lack of it. The Maoists' began to demand more inclusiveness, paradoxically, with the start of democracy in 1990. The Maoist insurgency started, to my mind, because of huge corruption, injustice, misuse of power and power riddle in our governments. Before the start of the insurgency, the rebels had submitted a 42-point demand. Subsequent governments ignored their demands, and helped fuel the war. We lost peace.

There is no doubt that peace is terribly needed now. But, as a free-minded person, I see that the peace process does not look genuine. A few years ago, only the king and democratic alliance used to be taken as the two major political forces. Now every Nepali may have realized that it is merely because of the existential crisis of the Maoists that we now have a peace process. Had they been taken as one of the important political forces early on, possibly Nepal, the birthplace of the Buddha, would not have to suffer such a shameful and bloody war. Because of their destructively witty and bold decision, the Maoists have now compelled every one to take them as one of the important political forces.

Now the king has been removed from the list. As once Maoists were minimized, now the monarchy is minimized. Because of personalistic egos of political leaders and the king, our institutions are suffering. We may blame monarchy for backwardness, and monarchy as an institution may be a thing of the past for many countries, but there are still scores of advanced countries with monarchies. Take for example, England or Japan. I think Nepal's monarchy has been blamed unfairly. In fact, except for the Panchyat era, the country's monarchy has been abused by others. The Shah kings have been subjugated over the centuries by courtiers and bhardars. After the unification of the country by Prithvinarayan Shah, the true rulers of the kingdoms were the Thapa and the Pandey mukhtiyars. The rise of the army officer Bir Narsingh Kunwar (Junga Bahadur Rana, a maternal grandson of the famous Bhimsen Thapa) as a premier in 1846, and the 104-year Rana dictatorship left little room for the Shah kings to directly exercise their powers. The Pachayat era is an exception. Now monarchy of Nepal
has again become an easy prey because it has become vulnerable.

King Gyanendra should not be turned into a scapegoat more than he deserves. Monarchy and a monarch are not always synonymous. True, an institution is different from an individual. To the fair discerning eyes it seemed that king Gyanandra tried to shift the quarrelsome democracy to a peaceful democracy. Constitutionally, he was merely acting like a president, as they do in other countries during times of crisis. In some states of India, there is presidential rule most of the time. Since the Lower House of Nepal appealed the king to apply article 127 of the constitution, the article of last resort and of conscience, and since the governments were unable to settle the Maoist crisis (instead, they were fighting one another) he tried to resolve the crisis in his own accord, though unsuccessfully. For hundreds of
times (if not more) he told the national and international community that he is committed to democracy and constitutional monarchy and he asked only for three years' time. But we know what happened thereafter: The parties played revenge politics and did not listen to him. They boycotted elections (although the Terai region saw 70 percent participation in the municipal polls), and went to the streets. After the movement of April 2006, they went further and
suspended monarchy itself.

Monarchy's future: We all know we are not talking here about a monarchy that committed genocide or mass murders or anything like. The Rayamajhi Commission is not about such things, but does record atrocities against pro-democracy protestors and the killing of a score of demonstrators. Killing of even a single person is certainly unacceptable and it would have been far better had the king stepped down earlier. And, at the same time, we should not forget the much horrible atrocities committed by Maoists and government forces in the past decade. Moreover, even in last month's Terai protest, 31 people were killed by the government side. It may be tempting to find a master evil face in the king to explain the unexplainable in Nepal. But there are several such faces in Nepal and not just one.

We must not forget, particularly during these times of transition, that the institution of monarchy alone does not deserve all the blame for the Nepali ills. The political parties are also responsible to some extent for the mess as they created a background for the king's recent actions. The parties politicized every organization, including the academia. As an example, the executive heads of all the universities were forced to leave their offices following the new political developments in April 2006. All the posts still remain vacant. The government is not in a position to fill out the posts as they have a conflict in the division of the posts. Even for a
promotion of staff of any office one should have political links. Cronyism is deeply entrenched in our bureaucracy. Influential party workers and governmental staff members are transferred to 'good offices' that are more lucrative, i.e. where corruption is possible. Corruption has become open.

What I see in the present efforts of the parties for abolishing the monarchy is that they are trying to hide their faults by blaming the king for all their misdeeds. The peace process has totally disregarded monarchy. What is the wisdom, for example, behind the criticisms against Girija Prasad Koirala for his saying that in a democracy everyone, including the King, must be given a space? We say we are for a non-violent change and for an inclusive democracy but we don't even tolerate an institution that is the very foundation of our nationhood. We have become a society of bigots.

Many people in this country still believe in monarchy, at least a monarchy without state powers. But who is listening to their voices? This institution, for many, is symbolic of national unity. The Hindus of pre-dominantly Hindu country as well as millions of Hindus in neighboring India identify with Nepal's monarchy.

Now the interim constitution has been declared, and it is a positive step for democracy. But democracy is based on popular aspirations, not on parliamentary declarations by unelected representatives. Do the majority Hindus of Nepal truly want a secular Nepal? Isn't Hinduism itself a secular religion? Is that declaration based on popular consensus? The root cause of discord and backwardness are not monarchy or Hinduism. Nepal's immediate foes are corruption, injustice, inequality and lawlessness. If these are in order, there will be peace and development, no matter what type of system it is.

A change of system does not ensure a new Nepal. We need a new culture of individual responsibility where justice and fairness are the norms of daily life. And where rule of law reigns supreme. If a farmer goes to market to sell potatoes, for instance, he should be confident that he can sell them and return home safely. Unfortunately, this is not the case even after ten months of peace deal. Today even the police don't bother to investigate cases of murder and torture. I have myself witnessed such cases in the hands of the police.

What puzzles me is that there is total public shunning of all things monarchical, despite the fact that there are millions of supporters of monarchy as well as other marginalized groups in the country. How long will this "spiral of silence" continue? At what cost? These people don't get any floor to express their views. Every institution, even the news media, are overtly partisan and highly politicized. They have nothing positive to talk about monarchy. They are not fair and balanced. There is very little reporting on the significance of monarchy in our history.

We can expect little from political parties, whose history is a history of internal feuds. Their fruitless feuds helped the Maoist cause and their nationalistic slogans became louder and louder, as evidenced in the protest of Mahakali hydroelectricity and irrigation treaty with India.

A truly nationalist party, however, works for national unity and integrity, culture and democracy and against corruption, injustice, inequality and lawlessness for a rapid development of the nation, which would provide people the things of immediate need like electricity, water, communication and food for a reasonable price and make people feel secured. That would help bring peace. Peace is possible through inclusive democracy, not from separation or difference. And this is the will of the international community as well. But instead of securing peace and making it sustainable in this way the parties are again creating existential crisis.

There is no talk of national unity and integrity anymore. Peace cannot be secured even if monarchy is wiped out. The crisis in the Terai is an example. Becoming a republic does not ensure peace and development. Look at India, for instance. It is often wreaked by terrorist attacks. But I think there is relative peace under monarchy in many countries, not out of the terror of the kings but because the institution provides a sense of unity to the country. We should learn something from history. After king Norodom Sihanouk left the throne in 1972, the communist dictator Pol Pot killed between 1 to 3 million people within eight years of his rule. True, we are not another Sikkim. But our leaders, including the Maoist head Prachanda, dance to the tune of New Delhi.

A radical democracy may reject monarchy all together. But I believe most Nepalis are moderates. And they want a total renewal of their political system, but not at the cost of traditional assets. True, democracy must be able to retain the good aspects of the traditions. And Nepal's monarchy certainly has some positive features. It epitomizes several millennia of our past stretching to the times of Balmiki and Vedbyas. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala may be right to say that some room should be given also to the monarchy. The existential problem of Maoists is being settled. What about monarchy's existence? King Gyanendra restored the house only to be wiped out?

Previously kings exercised unlimited powers, and considered such powers as divinely given. In the constitutional monarchy, political parties began to act as if they were almighty. In a true democracy, no body is almighty. No matter what, justice should play vital role in this matter.

Therefore, it may be good to rethink on the agenda of doing away with monarchy altogether. And most important, if the king has to show his popularity at all, it should be done through free and fair referendum, not through the first meeting of the pre-planned constituent assembly.

Rabin Chitrakar, based in Kathmandu, is an independent observer. He can be reached at

Posted by Editor on February 23, 2007 01:51 PM

Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 9:39:45 PM
Subject: help to inform readers

Can you do a favour to us? Our site ( appears to be banned in Nepal :( We are not sure if the site has been banned with ALL ISPs, but from our log file, it seems so by now. Can you help us to reach to the readers in Nepal about our current status (that it's ban, not that the site is offline), by publishing a short notice on your DFN site and emailing them. We will contact readers as well, but we have stored emails of only a small number of registered visitors. Hope, you will help to reach up to them.


News, Blog and Library

From: ashmina ranjit
To: Paramendra Kumar Bhagat ; ""
Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 9:05:42 PM
Subject: Re: HI

here u go' hari's email
hari roka wrote:

Hi Jaya. I don't have it right away. Perhaps Ashmina has it.

--- "" wrote:

> Dear Parmendra,
> Hope things are fine with you.
> I would like to request you for a small help.
> Do you have email address or any contact number of Mr Hari Rokka , a
> senior
> activist of the Nepal. If you have or you can get from any source pls
> help
> me by providing.
> Your's
> Jaya Lamichhane

From: Shobhakar Budhathoki
Sent: Wednesday, February 28, 2007 8:02:43 PM
Subject: TRansitional Justice Commissions in Nepal

Transitional Justice Commissions in Nepal

Shobhakar Budhathoki

Increasing impunity and hesitation of postconflict governments to conduct an investigation and carry out action against perpetrators creates vulnerability in efforts of establishing sustainable peace, rule of law and inclusive democracy. In postconflict situations, the state is responsible for addressing the trauma of victims of conflict, ensuring justice, and establishing mechanisms that document the stories of victims, analyzes human rights abuses and atrocities, identifies perpetrators and recommends authorities to initiate judicial and appropriate action. While permanent mechanisms in postconflict states are usually slower and time-consuming, the government must initiate transitional justice mechanisms to provide justice quickly, but responsibly, to the victims of conflict through reparations and their recognition in the nation building process.

In Nepal, the debate of transitional justice has remained central during the entire peace process and even after the formation of the Interim Parliament. The November 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the January 2007 Interim Constitution (IC) recognize the importance of ensuring reparations for victims of the conflict, and the formation of disappearance, and truth and reconciliation commissions. While, these documents neither outline justice mechanisms for the victims, nor action against the perpetrators, with broad consultation and political will, official commissions could be successful. However, despite assurances to the people, formal initiatives for establishing such commissions are yet to begin.

Nepal's past experience demonstrates that commissions have been formed as part of face-saving strategies and a way to avoid public pressure for bringing perpetrators to account. The state has set precedent for the protection of perpetrators from judicial action, which has institutionalized impunity and threatens the rule of law. Although the 1990 Mallik commission submitted a comprehensive report with the name of perpetrators, the government made the choice to disregard the recommendations on the basis of inadequate legal arrangements for initiating cases in the court. With the report having little to no circulation among the public, many of those found responsible in the report were elected into the democratic parliament and able to gain power in the legislative, as well as in the cabinet.

Similarly, the five-member High-Level Probe Commission (HLPC) formed in May 2006 to conduct an investigation into loss of life and property due to the repressive acts of the King's regime and into the abuse of state funds and violation of human rights. Even though the commission found the King responsible for suppression and abuse of state funds and authority, it brought incomprehensive and incomplete recommendations with divided opinions, as well as biased recommendations in terms of actions against senior and junior office holders, and retired officials that drew questions of their professionalism and efficiency. Not surprisingly, the government again found reluctant to implement the recommendations of the HLPC and made choice to initiate action through Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority. This decision of the government without disclosing the commission's report disregards the sentiment of the April 2006 people's movement. Ignoring the HLPC's recommendations and consequent inaction by the state demonstrates the cycle of impunity that exists and will continue to exist if appropriate judicial actions are not taken in a timely manner. Although continuous human rights abuses can, theoretically, be handled by the National Human Rights Commission, and other commissions such as women, dalit and janajati, the serious human rights abuses and atrocities committed by state and non-state actors since the beginning of the conflict in February 1996 must be dealt with through transitional mechanisms to ensure justice and deter future violations that includes indiscriminate killings, disappearances, abduction, torture, rape, etc.

While the state's sincerity in establishing and empowering the commissions called for in the CPA and IC, there must be immediately at least three commissions setup to deal with existing transitional issues. While forming and mandating these commissions there are lessons to be learned from past commissions. These lessons include the need for nonpartisan or independently nominated members of official commissions that can include lawyers, human rights defenders, political scientists, forensic experts, etc., rather than the usual political party loyalists. Also, in order for any commission to be effective there must be political will and buy-in and it is essential to have wide public consultation and inclusion. Similarly there must be complimentarity of work between commissions, civil society, the legislative, the government, and the judiciary. Public participation and access to information, and public hearings during the commissions' work is imperative. The commissions' mandates should allow them to investigate thoroughly, including access to state intelligence and subpoena power, with the findings and recommendations made public, and being taken up in a judicial process that could be a special panel or court comprised of national and international judges.

The first commission would be a Truth and Justice Commission, instead of Truth and Reconciliation Commission committed to finding and sharing the truth, which is extremely important for victims and to recommend appropriate action against perpetrators. It helps states to prepare strategies for rehabilitation, reintegration and reparations. This type of commission exposes the truth and documents that truth as part of a national healing process.

Second is a Disappearance Commission. While the status of missing people remains unclear ( Nepal had the highest number of disappearances in 2004), it is a responsibility of the new government to set up a mechanism to investigate and disclose the whereabouts of disappeared persons. The commission should be mandated to investigate and disclose the whereabouts, and recommend action against perpetrators. The families of the disappeared persons deserve the truth.

The third recommended commission, although there could be other official commissions if they are deemed necessary for transitional justice and national healing, is the Commission on Social Exclusion. Social exclusion played a central role in the emergence and spread of the violent conflict. While Nepal faces numerous problems as a result of social exclusion (exclusion of disenfranchised groups such as women, dalit, janajati, minorities, etc.) the state must create a mechanism to investigate and recommend actions, as well as prepare strategies for the prevention of conflict and communal violence in the future. This commission is central for those victimized or lacking access to the state to register their complaints. This commission could work to immediately respond to problems of social exclusion that can act as destabilizing factors during the postconflict period if unaddressed.

While justice holds a central place for the establishment of rule of law and an inclusive democracy, the well-planned formation of these commissions remains important to bring some healing, closure and justice to victims. Due to the destabilizing effect of ongoing exclusion and inaction for justice, the peace process and transition to democracy is dependent upon establishing responsible and timely mechanisms to pursue justice, which would also contribute to ending the ongoing impunity that has plagued Nepal.

Human rights defender and conflict resolution practitioner holds MA in Peace and Justice Studies from the University of San Diego, and can be reached through

Shobhakar Budhathoki
Human Rights Defender/Conflict Resolution Practitioner
GPO Box 21179
Kathmandu, Nepal
Tel: 977 1 4784574