Democracy For Nepal

Saturday, September 06, 2014

संविधान निर्माणका विवादित विषयहरु

English: Detail of Preamble to Constitution of the United States Polski: Fragment preambuły Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

(written for Madheshvani)

संविधान निर्माण पहिलो संविधान सभामा हुन नसक्नुको कारण नै संघीयता थियो, र अहिले पनि प्रमुख पार्टीहरु यस जटिल मुद्दामा आँखामा आँखा मिलाउन सकिरहेका छैनन्। जनताको प्रत्यक्ष् मतद्वारा पुर्ण कार्यकारी अधिकार भएको राष्ट्रपति चुन्ने कि संसदले प्रधान मंत्री चुन्ने भन्ने कुरामा पनि विवाद नभएको होइन। अरु पनि कुराहरु छन, तर मुख्य विवाद संघीयताको मुद्दामा नै छ।

नेपाल बाहुन क्षेत्री २०% भएको देश। सद्दाम हुसेनको इराक़मा पनि २०% सुन्नी हरुले राज गरेको अवस्था थियो। नेपालमा २०% बाहुन क्षेत्री, २०% दलित, ३०% जनजाति र ३०% मधेसी छन। दलित पहाड़मा पनि र तराईमा पनि भएकोले र थारु मधेसी पनि र जनजाति पनि भएकोले ती संख्याहरु तल माथि पर्न जाने हो। महिला स्वतः समग्रमा ५०% भए।

२०४७ मा कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराईले ल्याएको संविधानमा देशमा बाहुन क्षेत्रीको वर्चस्व कायम राख्ने किसिमको थियो। कांग्रेस र एमालेमा त्यही जमातको बिग्बिगि छ। बाहुन क्षेत्रीको ऐतिहासिक वर्चस्व कायम राख्ने कि दलित, मधेसी, जनजाति र महिलालाई समान अधिकार दिने? झगड़ाको गाँठी त्यो हो। एमाओवादी यस मुद्दामा प्रगतिशील देखिए पनि त्यस पार्टीको केन्द्रीय समिति बाहुन हरुकै पकड़मा छ। दमजमलाई सजिलो छैन।

दमजमलाई बराबर अधिकार दिने समावेशी संविधान बन्नुपर्छ भन्ने कुरामा विवाद हुन सक्दैन। तर कांग्रेस र एमालेका बाहुनहरुले भन्ने प्रत्येक कुरा र लिने प्रत्येक अडानलाई हतारमा बाहुनवादको संज्ञा दिई हाल्नु पनि हुँदैन। संघीय नेपालमा बन्ने राज्यहरु आर्थिक रुपले सक्छम हुनुपर्छ भन्ने अडान गलत होइन।

जातीय संघीयताको सबैभन्दा परिष्कृत नक्शा एमाओवादीले गृह युद्धको समयमा सारेकै हो। त्यस नक्शाको आधारमा पहिलो संविधान सभामा मैंडेट पनि पाएकै हो। त्यस नक्शाको विरोध गर्ने कांग्रेस र एमालेले पछिल्लो चुनाव जितेकै हुन। जनताको इच्छा सबैले मिलेर संविधान बनाउ भन्ने हो।

पहाड़का जनजातिलाई जातीय संघीयता दिन्नौं भन्ने, तराईका मधेसीलाई भौगोलिक संघीयता दिन्नौ भन्ने कांग्रेस र एमालेका बाहुनहरुको नियतमाथि शंका गर्ने ठाउँ छ। अर्को राष्ट्रिय चुनाव एमाओवादी र मधेसीले जितलान। त्यो त लोकतन्त्रको पेंडुलम हल्लिएको हो, कहिले यता त कहिले उता। संघीयताको विरोधमा नेपाली जनताले कहिले मैंडेट दिएका छैनन्।

भनेपछि संघीयताको मुद्दामा मिलन विन्दु कहाँ छ त? मोटामोटी जानुपर्ने भौगोलिक संघीयता तिर नै हो, तर सम्पुर्ण राज्य समावेशी बनाउने किसिमले। मेरो परिकल्पना ६ राज्यको छ: चितवन र उदयपुर समेटने पुर्व तराई, सुर्खेत समेटने पश्चिम तराई, कोशी, बाग्मती, गण्डकी र कर्णाली। संघीयताको नक्शा र नाम भौगोलिक तर संसदको बनौट भने पुर्ण समावेशी। तल्लो सदनमा २०५ सीट, माथिल्लो सदनमा १०० सीट। २०५ को १०५ शायद तराईमा पर्ला, जनसंख्याको समानुपातिक हुने गरी। २०५ मध्ये २० सीट दलितकालागि आरक्षित, १० तराईमा, १० पहाड़मा। आरक्षित भनेको ती २० सीटमा जुन सुकै पार्टीले दलित कैंडिडेट मात्र उठाउन पाउने। ७० सीट महिलाकालागि आरक्षित, ३५ तराईमा, ३५ पहाड़मा। ती ७० सीट मध्ये १४ दलित महिलाकालागि, २१ जनजाति महिलाकालागि र २१ मधेसी महिलाकालागि। ३० सीट जनजातिकालागि र ३० सीट मधेसीकालागि।

माथिल्लो सदनका १०० सीटकालागि पुर्ण समानुपातिक। कुन पार्टीले समग्रमा कति वोट ल्यायो त्यसको आधारमा सीटको बाँडफाँड हुने। प्रत्येक पार्टीले आफ्नो लिस्ट चुनाव अगाडि नै पब्लिक पनि गर्नुपर्ने र बुझाउनु पनि पर्ने। लिस्ट समावेशी हुनु पर्ने। यानि कि लिस्टमा प्रत्येक तेस्रो नाम महिला, प्रत्येक पाँचौं नाम दलित हुनुपर्ने। प्रत्येक चौथो नाम पहाड़मा जनजाति र तराईमा मधेसी हुनुपर्ने। लिस्ट चुनावको नतिजा आइसकेपछि फेरबदल गर्न नपाइने। यदि एउटा पार्टीले २० सीट जितेमा त्यस पार्टीको पब्लिक लिस्टको प्रथम २० व्यक्ति स्वतः निर्वाचित।

भौगोलिक संघीयतामा गएर समावेशी राज्य बनाउने तरिका यो पो हो कि?

प्रधान मंत्री यी ३०५ जनाले चुन्ने, मंत्री परिषद्मा बस्न सांसद हुन नपर्ने। देशको प्रत्येक तहको निर्वाचित नेताहरुले वोट खसालेर चुनेको व्यक्ति राष्ट्रपति हुने। प्रधान मंत्री कार्यकारी अध्यक्ष, राष्ट्रपति संबैधानिक अध्यक्ष र नेपाल सेनाको प्रमुख।

६ राज्यमा एक एक सदन हुने। ७५ जिल्ला कायम राख्ने। राज्य, जिल्ला र शहर/गाउँ का सरकारहरुलाई प्रशस्त अधिकार दिने। प्रत्येक स्तरमा समावेशी सरकार बनाउने। महिलालाई प्रत्येक तहमा एक तिहाई। दलितलाई प्रत्येक तहमा १०%।

राष्ट्रिय संसदको प्रत्येक निर्वाचन क्षेत्रलाई राज्य स्तरमा ठयाक्क दुई भाग पार्ने हो कि?

राज्य पुनसंरचनाको विवादको मुख्य मुद्दा तर संघीयता होइन। मुख्य मुद्दा हो नेपाल सेनालाई १०,००० को संख्यामा झार्ने, नेपाल पुलिस लाई गृह युद्ध भन्दा अगाडि को अवस्था भन्दा सानो पुर्याउने, केही मंत्रालय हरु हटाउनै पर्ने छ, सबैलाई पातलो बनाउनुपर्ने छ। संघीयता भनेको बढ़ी राम्रो संरचना हो, त्यस सिस्टममा अहिलेको भन्दा कम कर्मचारीले चल्ने हुन्छ। नेपाल सेनालाई १००,००० बाट १०,००० मा पुर्याए ९०,००० शिक्षक र स्वास्थ सेवक हरु राख्न पाइयो नि त।

संघीयता भन्दा राज्य पुनसंरचना ठुलो मुद्दा र सबै भन्दा ठुलो मुद्दा समयमा संविधान बन्नु हो। चीन कुदेको छ, भारत कुदन लागिसक्यो, नेपाल भने संविधान र नियमित निर्वाचन न भएकोले अलपत्रमा छ। समयमा संविधान नआए सबै पार्टीका सबै नेताले जिम्मेवारी बोक्नु पर्नेछ।

Beyond Federalism To Double Digit Growth

Nepal topography. The green/yellow zones hold the Inner Terai valleys. (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

(Article sent to Kantipur on August 6, 2014)

A few months after the king’s coup in 2005 I moved to New York City from the Midwest. I had no such plans, but I ended up putting full time work into Nepal’s democracy movement, and subsequently the Madhesi movement. I went on to become Barack Obama’s first full time volunteer in all of New York City. I also watched Modi’s campaign for hours each day. To this day I follow Nepali politics pretty closely.

It is a shame that Nepal’s constitution was not written during the first two years of the first constituent assembly. Nepal’s leaders failed its people. But here we are with six months to go. Not completing the task is not an option, because massive economic opportunities are knocking at the door.

During the Shivaratri mayhem around Pashupati, all you have to do is go stand in the middle and the crowd will take you forward. China has been growing at massive rates with no signs of slowing down. India is about to take off in a similar way. All Nepal has to do is provide basic political stability, basic law and order, and the economy would take off for being sandwiched between the two awake giants. This is precisely the point I made when I got to meet Prime Minister Sushil Koirala in NYC a few weeks back.

I think the recent electoral mandate was broadly for geographic federalism. We should move towards six states: East Terai (Chitwan and Udaypur included), West Terai (Surkhet included), Koshi, Bagmati, Gandaki, Karnali. The primary achievement of the Madhesh Movement was making sure the number of MPs from the Terai is in direct proportion to its population. That has to continue. Beyond that an electoral system fair to the DaMaJaMa (Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati, Mahila) has to be put in place.

205 seats in a lower house and 100 seats in an upper house might suffice. 7% of the 205 seats, or 15 seats should be reserved for Dalits. These would be constituencies where only Dalit candidates may contest. One third of all seats should similarly be set aside for women, or about 67 seats. Of those seats for women, 20% should be for Dalit women, 30% for Madhesi women, and 30% for Janajati women.

For the 100 upper house seats, it would be fully proportional. How many votes a party collects would determine how many seats that party gets. There would be provisions for the DaMaJaMa. One third for women again, as in every third name on a party’s list should be a woman. 7% for Dalits again. 10% for Madhesis, and 10% for Janajatis. The parties must submit lists before the election and make them public. The lists may not be amended after the election. So if a party gets 10 seats, the first 10 names on its submitted list get in.

A Prime Minister elected by both Chambers of the House would be the Executive Chief, free to form his cabinet with people from inside and outside the parliament, and a president elected by all elected leaders in the country at all levels, local, state and national, would serve as the constitutional head, and the Commander In Chief of the Nepal Army.

The six states would have unicameral legislatures. Every parliamentary constituency might be split into two state legislature constituencies. The 75 districts stay intact. There is the central government, there are the six state governments, the 75 district governments, and the city, town and village governments. It is important to come up with formulas such that the state, district and local governments end up with substantial budgets.

Nepal that is a federal country should have many fewer bureaucrats, soldiers and police officers than it currently has, because federalism is a more efficient form of government. A lot of stuff gets taken care of locally. Downsizing the Nepal Army from 100,000 soldiers to about 10,000 soldiers would free up resources for tens of thousands of teachers and health care workers. Policing is a state function and so Nepal Police will have to give way. Several ministries will have to be eliminated, all will have to be significantly downsized.

Modi during his recent visit said, “Nepal can become a developed nation by selling power to India.” That is true. Once the country has a new constitution and there are regular elections to all levels of government I am sure the country will see plenty of good leaders emerge who might do for Nepal what Nitish Kumar has done for Bihar.

An economic revolution would be Nepal growing at double digit rates year in year out for 30 years. That kind of growth rate is the best and fastest way to wiping out poverty in the country.

(Paramendra Bhagat is a tech entrepreneur based in New York City. His global team is working on an Augmented Reality Mobile Game.)

Tuesday, September 02, 2014

50 Millionaires

Nepali architect - Arniko in Miaoying Temple (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Russia hosts the largest cluster of Nepali millionaires in the Nepali diaspora. By some counts there are about 30 millionaires based in Moscow. These are all self made people. And so you can not argue the NRN leadership has been dominated by wealth.

For the first time NRNA USA has some semblance of existence. There are thousands of members, there are duly elected leaders. But NRNA USA is still no close to aspirations of global leadership.

For me it is less about the NRNA organization and more about Nepal’s economic growth as it can be projected over the next three decades. I did full time work for Nepal’s democracy movement in the 2005 period. Subsequently I put full time work into Nepal’s Madhesi Movement. And I have moved on. And now the issue is economic growth.

You can’t build a successful company as an act of charity, or by thinking about a particular country. Entrepreneurship responds to its internal forces. It is a high risk venture. You have to respond to the market forces. And it is not like I don’t think about me or my family. But I do also have one eye on Nepal.

To me more important than membership drives of the NRNA is the quest to see at least 50 millionaires among the Nepalis in NYC. That is the only meaningful way the Nepalis in America, more specifically New York, can not only hope to provide global leadership to the NRNA but, more importantly, make meaningful contributions to Nepal’s economic growth. So I look more for aspiring entrepreneurs than neta types. A few I might team up with, many I would just want to stay in the loop with.

You have to be in a position to personally invest, you have to be in a position to guide global investments into the Nepali economy, and then you can also hope to collectively propose policy changes that are so fundamental to letting the economy in Nepal bloom to its rightful size.

Working for Nepal’s democracy and Madhesi movements cost me money. I had to eat into my savings. But this next phase is about making money, about creating some serious personal wealth.

I don’t have much taste for old economy ventures. That is not a stamp of disapproval. The richest Nepalis in the city today have all made their money in the old economy. But I am grounded in software, and my ventures are new economy ventures. I find high tech exciting. Down the line that also makes room for clean energy ventures.

Building an ambitious company in a city like New York necessarily means you are going to aim for a global customer base, or at least a globally diverse customer base. That necessarily means you are going to have to build a globally diverse team. You can not have an all Nepali team trying to serve a global customer base. So you build your company following rules that are best for the company’s growth. And you contribute to Nepal’s economy to the best of your abilities, according to rules that best serve the purpose.

New York City is greatly suited for building great companies, especially multi-national corporations. The infrastructure here - and I don’t mean just the trains and buses - is optimal. It has a well developed financial marketplace. You count your blessings and you make your moves.

I have my tech startup, an Augmented Reality Mobile Game. That is recent, and it is pre-launch. I have had my tech consulting firm for years now. I have a strong bias in that I like working with tech startup type clients. Usually I just build the basic prototype. In rare cases I also end up taking a bigger role. I bring more than tech to the table. I also bring my knowledge of tech startups. I have been building a network for fundraising among professional investors for years now. But you can only cash on it if you have built the right company with the right kind of growth rates. Read: wild growth rates. Investors are business people. They invest because they think you will grow their money.

Nepalis in New York should be able to outdo the Nepalis in Moscow. And entrepreneurship is that route. I happen to believe entrepreneurship is for everybody. I am a big fan of network marketing, for example. Because it allows a venue for entrepreneurship even among the low income Nepalis in the city. Or you could invest 5K, 10K in a tech startup. A successful tech startups would give you returns that land in Kathmandu simply can not. Owning a small equity in a high tech venture beats owning real estate in Kathmandu.

The message of entrepreneurship goes hand in hand with the message of dual citizenship, and I don’t mean the watered down dual citizenship that the politicians in Kathmandu are talking about. They are trying to create a second class citizenship for the NRNs, like they already have for the Madhesis in Nepal. That is a no no.