A Roadmap For The Maoists

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The politicians in Nepal suffer from an inferiority complex across the board that makes them believe a political thought has to be thought somewhere else first before it can be tried in Nepal. Nepal is too backward a country to be the originator of new political thoughts and new political experiments. Marx has to first think it in Europe, Mao has to first apply it in China, some Socialist has to first talk about it in India. The Maoists are as guilty as anyone else.

Back in 2005 I appealed to the Maoists to act less dogmatic, and more thinking. They responded well. But this year they have been in an ideological rut.

Prachanda, Order Your Cadres To Live
After Ganapathy, A Ceasefire
For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible
Militarists Attempting A Doramba Repeat To End Ceasefire
Prachanda, Extend The Ceasefire By Three Months

Prachanda, through his intransigence, and lack of creativity and imagination, has been able to bring about a political coalition in Nepal that is not in the best interests of his party, short term or long. What would be a roadmap the Maoists might want to follow?

Needed: An Ideological Leap

The Maoists went for a unilateral ceasefire in 2005, and that paved way for all the good things that happened afterwards. But their transition from Power Flows Through The Barrel Of A Gun to Power Flows Through The Ballot Box is not complete. They might no longer kill and torture, but they still beat people up. They need to get over that hangover. And they can't as long as they keep talking of an eventual revolution. When they talk of an eventual revolution, their talk of leading a government as a minority party sounds like a ploy to somehow garner a majority on their own, which would be a stepping stone to doing away with multi-party democracy altogether. That flawed line of thinking comes from the Maoists not willing to engage in a fusion of the two major ideologies of the past century. The result of such a fusion would be a multi-party democracy of state-funded parties. That state can be created through the current constituent assembly. And once such a state is created, there is no more revolution, there are only elections.

The Maoists have to come out saying their end goal is to turn Nepal into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties. After such a creation there would be no more revolution, only elections. This they can do unilaterally. The ideological leap they can make on their own.

The step before that big step would be to pass a law that would require all political parties to make and keep their book keeping public. The people have a right to know. The Maoists themselves might be opposed to such a move because then they have to tell everyone how much money they have. Over the years the Maoists have exhibited mafia tendencies to extort money to sustain a certain living standard for their leaders. That thought has also made it possible for the regressionists to bring a lot of money into play into their political operations. The Maoists thought they moved from Power Flows Through The Barrel Of A Gun to Power Flows Through Sacks Of Money. That might have made short term material sense, but it makes no sense for a party that started out dreaming of a classless society.

Give One More Year To This Constituent Assembly

The Maoists should agree to give one more year to this constituent assembly. And it is because the work on the constitution is not done yet. If they don't cooperate, the assembly will expire, and the president might have to turn the current government into a caretaker government to hold elections to a new constituent assembly. So instead of a government that answers to a parliament where the Maoists are the biggest party, you will have a government that no longer has a parliament to answer to. That is an undesirable outcome at a few different levels.

The Maoists declaring a new constitution from the streets would be a stupid move and Prachanda's third big mistake. (Prachanda's Second Big Mistake?) For one, it would not come into effect. It would be just a document, dead upon arrival.

Try And Form A New Coalition Government

If Prachanda does not make the mistake of not giving one more year to the constituent assembly, and he does not make the mistake of declaring a constitution from the streets, then the MJF will likely come back into the fold of the 10 party coalition led by the Maoists. That coalition had almost 280 votes. All the Maoists would need to do after that is work with the Madhesi parties on their Ek Madhesh Ek Pradesh agenda, and they would have a happy majority government. Maybe they don't need a national unity government. They just need to push the UML and the Congress out of power. These are two parties that were opposed to the very idea of a constituent assembly for the longest time.

But for the Maoists to do business with the Madhesi parties, they will have to make these other moves first. Declare you end goal is a multi-party democracy of state funded parties, that after that there will be no more revolution, only elections. Agree to extend the term of the assembly by a year. Then work to build a coalition that includes the Madhesi parties.

Ek Madhesh, Ek Pradesh

The Maoists were originally an Ek Madhesh, Dui Pradesh party. West of Rapti river was Tharuhat. Rapti to Mechi was Madhes. After the Madhesi revolution, their anti-Madhesi Pahadi Bahun chauvinism got the better of them and they broke that Madhes state on their map into five different states, all of them lead by Pahadi Bahuns inside the party structure. Chitwan was now no longer part of the Madhes. After they cooled down a little, they had their original Madhes state as two states minus Chitwan. The least they could do is go back to their original map of two states in the Terai with Chitwan being part of the Madhes state. And they should be willing to consider Ek Madhesh, Ek Pradesh. Why not? On the other hand, the Madhesi parties should be open to the idea of Ek Madhes Do Pradesh. Why not? Chitwan is part of the Terai and has to be part of the Madhes state.

The Maoists Have Won
The Maoists: Thinking Or Dogmatic?
An Appeal To The Maoists
Prachanda's Second Big Mistake?
The Peace Process Is At Its Most Fragile
Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis
A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership
Adhikaar: International Women's Day

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Contents 2010

Budget

ANTA Convention: Emotional Bath
Polarization Is Complete: Nepali Congress No Longer A Terai Party
ANTA Convention Program Details
1st ANTA Convention: September 24-25
Indian Maoists
Securing Federalism And Beyond For The Madhesi Cause

A Maoist Madhesi Alliance Makes The Most Sense
Baburam Led Majority Government: Maoists + UML + Madhesi Parties
The Maoists Must Not Return Seized Property
Prachanda Can't Be Prime Minister
High School, College, New York City
"Madisey"

Surkhet Jumla Road
Upendra Mahato, Simon Dhungana

Crisis Averted
The Maoists Must Vote To Extend The Term Of The Constituent Assembly
Is Federalism Necessary?
Why Not To Fear The Maoists?
A Roadmap For The Maoists
The Maoists Have Won
The Maoists: Thinking Or Dogmatic?
An Appeal To The Maoists
Prachanda's Second Big Mistake?
The Infighting Among The Nepali Organizations In America
The Peace Process Is At Its Most Fragile

Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis
Organizing Nepalis In America: Conversations With Simon Dhungana
A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership
Girija Koirala: Half A Century Of Struggle For Democracy
Gopal Siwakoti, Kunda Dixit At The New School
Adhikaar: International Women's Day
Adhikaar: International Women's Day: Photos
Holi Videos
Happy Holi (2)
Happy Holi

Holi 2010
NRN Interaction At Yak

Jay Prakash Gupta: Note Of Disssent

The Maoists Have Won

Calling off their Nepal Bandh after six days I see as a grand victory for the Maoists. They have exhibited that they are capable of experimenting, that they are capable of the scientific approach. You try something. If it does not work, you ditch it and go try something else. First they tried a peaceful shutdown of the country. After they realized they were imposing unnecessary hardships for the populations, they partly lifted the strike. People could move around in the evenings. Perishable goods - fruits, vegetables, milk - could be transported. And so on. I was very impressed. Finally they have gone ahead and called off the entire Bandh itself. I am impressed.

Now that they have shown their street power, the Maoists still have the option to show their opponents their constitutional power. Unless the Maoists agree to it, the term of the constituent assembly can not be extended. If the term is not extended, this government's term is over, and there is a constitutional crisis. Although the constitution says you only need a majority in the parliament to form a government, in this case what is true is the ruling coalition needs the Maoists' approval to go on being in power. That gives the Maoists great leverage at the bargaining table.

A national unity government is still possible. It is desirable. But that has to be brought about through constitutional means. And it will only happen if the Maoists exhibit that they understand coalition culture. A coalition culture is where all partner parties together decide on who the Prime Minister will be, for example.

If Prachanda agrees to the Baburam Bhattarai name, that will give his party six months in power. And if the government performs well, the Maoists might come back with a full majority of their own in the new parliament. At that point, the Maoist central committee on its own can decide as to who their Prime Minister will be. Although I must point out I think coalition governments are here to stay in Nepal just like in India. The sooner the Maoists appreciate the give and take involved in coalition governments, the better their political prospects will look.

The Maoists: Thinking Or Dogmatic?

Maoists To Allow Markets Open From 6 PM To 10 PM; Transportation Of Perishable Products Not To Be Obstructed NepalNews

This move by the Maoists gives me hope that the thinking Maoists who went from a violent struggle for a one party rule to a unilateral ceasefire and a common minimum program of a constituent assembly have not become all dogmatic and unthinking somewhere along the way. This move makes the Maoists look good.

Although the constitution does not ask for a government with more than a simple majority, I do feel the political need for something like a 10 party government. I am for a national unity government. But a give and take situation has to be created. The idea can not be to humiliate either the Maoists or the parties in power. The idea can not be to rub the other's nose in the dust, politically speaking.

This tactical flexibility the Maoists have exhibited on how to run their peaceful movement has also to be exhibited on the political front. If this shutdown of the country goes on for more than a week, for more than 10 days, it will have gone on for too long.

An Appeal To The Maoists

2005 was a politically complex year for Nepal. The year started out with three forces at loggerheads. The three forces were all at cross purposes. The royalists imposed a dictatorship. The Maoists were waging a violent struggle for one party rule. The democratic parties were squeezed by both. The business at hand was to get the royalists out of the way, and that could come about if the other two camps could join forces, and the other two camps could not join forces as long as the Maoists kept waging a violent struggle for one party rule. That violence had to come to an end first, and a political road map had to be agreed upon. The big parties like the Nepali Congress and the UML were opposed to the idea of a constituent assembly. But that was the only meeting ground. And that is what came to be. But first the Maoists needed to cease violence.

I argued that the Maoists needed to declare a ceasefire.

Prachanda, Order Your Cadres To Live

They did.

After Ganapathy, A Ceasefire
For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible

Then it was but expected that the royalists will try to get them to break that ceasefire.

Militarists Attempting A Doramba Repeat To End Ceasefire

It still made tremendous sense for the Maoists to continue with the ceasefire, and they did.

Prachanda, Extend The Ceasefire By Three Months

That is what made talks between the Maoists and the democrats possible. And then the onus shifted to the democrats. Unless they agreed to the idea of a constituent assembly, there was not going to be an alliance with the Maoists. They reluctantly agreed.

The alliance happened. And that prepared ground for the historic April 2006 revolution. That revolution could not have come about without the alliance.

The reason I am talking the history of 2005 is that has lessons for today.

Just like the Maoists went for the unilateral ceasefire back in 2005, they should now unilaterally declare they are for a constitution that will turn Nepal into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties, that they are for an ideological fusion of the two competing political ideologies of the past century, and that after that there will be no revolution, only elections. They should steer their movement towards that goal. Change of government has to become a secondary concern.

Once Nepal is turned into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties where the book keeping of all parties is public, transparent, you can achieve land reform peacefully. You win elections, pass bills in the parliament.

Power flows through the ballot box. Power does not flow through the barrel of a gun. But power only flows through the ballot box if Nepal is turned into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties.

1. All parties agree to turn Nepal into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties. The Maoists declare there will be no revolution after that, only elections. 
2. Form a national unity government of the 10 largest parties in parliament in Baburam Bhattarai's leadership. Come up with a common minimum program. 
3. Extend the constituent assembly's term by six months. 

Prachanda's Second Big Mistake?
The Peace Process Is At Its Most Fragile
Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis
A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership

Prachanda's Second Big Mistake?

What was Prachanda thinking? That he will get 50,000 Maoist cadres to come over to Kathmandu from the districts, and the common people in Kathmandu will join forces and next thing you know there are half a million people in the streets like during April 2006? For him to ever have thought that goes on to show that this guy has no clue as to what happened during April 2006.

The Madhav Nepal led government will be toppled through parliamentary arithmetic, and that parliamentary arithmetic will never come to be if Prachanda does not make it clear he understands how coalition governments are run. Coalition governments are run through the consent of all coalition partners.

Prachanda seems to think the Maoists central committee gets to make all final decisions in the country. The Maoists central committee decides who will be in power, who will not be in power. The Maoist central committee decides who will be Prime Minister. The rest of the parties need to do what the Maoist central committee decides has to happen. That thinking drives the other parties away. That thinking is what brought down the Prachanda led government in the first place. For him to continue with that thinking and expect a new Prachanda led government take shape is daydreaming. It is politically immature.

Prachanda's last big mistake was to abandon his coalition partners and bypass the office of the president to try and sack the army chief who retired on his own a few months later. His latest big mistake we are seeing in action right now. You don't have a movement. You have 50,000 Maoist cadres having free food.

His showing zero flexibility on as to who might lead a possible national unity government makes extra sure that such a national unity government will not get formed in the first place.

But the real issue is not just about changing the government. The real issue is the ideological clash between the Maoists and the rest. That ideological clash is not being addressed by either camp. The solution is to turn Nepal into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties. That step has to be preceded by making sure all parties make their book keeping public. Why will not the Maoists go for that?

The Peace Process Is At Its Most Fragile
Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis
A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership

The Infighting Among The Nepali Organizations In America

What do women in my homevillage in Nepal, the Madhesis in Nepal, and the Nepalis in America have in common? I witnessed tremendous infighting among the women in my homevillage growing up. It took me long years to realize that infighting was due to the fact that the women were members of the powerless group in the village. That psychology of infighting extends to the Madhesis of Nepal. Look at how the MJF split. What the Madhesis are in Nepal, the Nepalis are on world stage. The Nepalis in America are numerically practically insignificant, politically non-existent, and not at all impressive when it comes to political consciousness.

What Are You Doing Monday? Come Meet Al Wenger
Reshma Saujani: Innovation, Ethnic Pride, Thought Leadership

The latest round of infighting going on among the three poles - the ANA, the NRN crowd, and the Janajati groups - of Nepali organizations in America reminds me of the women back in my homevillage.

Organizing Nepalis In America: Conversations With Simon Dhungana
Nepali Diaspora: Rethink Time?

You have to understand where they are coming from. The ANA - Association of the Nepalese in the Americas - rightfully feels that it has had a long history, and that it was championing the causes the NRN - Non Resident Nepali - movement is associated with now for years before the NRNA was launched, although the ANA did that at the level of the Americas, and the NRN movement is global. The solution there is to acknowledge that ANA history, and then realize there is so much common ground between the two.

The NRN movement does not understand why the ANA will not appreciate the huge global presence of that movement. There the solution is for the ANA to respect the fact that the NRN movement is vibrant in all those parts of the world where the ANA has no plans of even showing up.

My Madhesi heart goes out to the Janajati groups mostly based out of New York City that both the ANA and the NRN movement have so far marginalized. Not only do they have ethnic rights grievances going back all the way to Nepal, and going back centuries, they also have proven to be outstanding organizations in every way in New York City. They have many organizations, they have a vibrant umbrella organization the likes of I have not seen anywhere among the Nepali organizations in America, they raise and spend a lot of money, they  do good work, all they ask for is equality and recognition. The thing to do here is to acknowledge the historic wrongs perpetrated against the Janajati in Nepal and perpetuated perhaps in the diaspora and give the Janajatis their rightful place.

The ANA would like to be recognized as not only the largest Nepali organization nationally, but also as the umbrella organization of all Nepali organizations in America. The big stick the ANA carries is the annual ANA Convention, the biggest Nepali event in America for a few decades now.

The NRN crowd successfully dissolved NAC - Nepalese Americas Council - that never attempted to become an umbrella organization of any kind, but was the only national council type organization, and replaced it with the NRN National Coordination Committee, like they have in many other countries. But the NRN as an organization does not give out membership to organizations, only individuals. NAC was a group of less than 30 organizations, it did not recognize individuals, only organizations, and it was not open to bringing in more organizations.

What the NRN movement is not appreciating is that the movement entered many countries where the Nepalis were not organized at all. So it was easy to set up a NRN NCC in such countries, and then try and get it to go on membership drives. But in America that has not been the case. The oldest Nepali organizations in America are decades older than the NRN movement itself. And there are more than 200 Nepali organizations in America that are not about to get dissolved. And why should they?

So how do you put out the fire? Democracy and transparency should do the trick. I have a few recommendations.

1. Create an umbrella organization possibly called NOA, Nepali Organizations in America. Such an umbrella organization has never existed before. NAC was not it. The ANA is an organization, not an umbrella organization, and the NRN NCC is one organization seeking membership from individuals not organizations. The NRN NCC has not been designed to be an umbrella organization. 
2. All Nepali organizations in America should be able to join NOA. Each organization's voting weight would be as to how many verified members it has. An executive committee would be elected every two years. That executive committee has to be one third female by rule. 
3. The annual ANA Convention would continue to be recognized as the premier Nepali event every year. The NRN NCC should use that convention to hold its annual conference. 

The solution, I guess, is for both the ANA and the NRN NCC to realize they are both individual organizations, neither are umbrella organizations, and should not pretend otherwise. 

The Peace Process Is At Its Most Fragile

Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis

NepalNews.com

Maoist strike brings nation to halt
Three party talks for consensus stuck on PM’s resignation, army integration The parties have charted six different points of contentions, that need to be resolved through consensus, including formation of a national unity government, compliance with Comprehensive Peace Agreements (CPA), arms management and army integration, returning seized property to rightful owners, transformation or dissolution of Maoist youth wing Young Communist League (YCL) and commitment to peace process.
UCPN (M)'s May Day demos conclude peacefully, Dahal describes protests as 'final push'
Three-party meet adjourned 'on a positive note' Dr Bhattarai said the three parties have reached consensus on four of the six agendas set earlier. "Now, we will be discussing on constitution making and power sharing in new government,"
EU deeply concerned over lack of progress in peace process the rising political tensions in Nepal over the last few weeks.
22-party, HLPM task force meetin Leaders of parties in the government including CPN (UML), Nepali Congress, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum-Loktantrik are discussing on whether or not to deploy army to quell the agitation.
Normal life affected due to Maoist demonstrations; Maoists to rally from 18 places in capital most people have chosen to stay at back at home. The streets look quieter, except for the Maoist cadres and others preparing for the rally. .... The Maoists are preparing to rally from 18 different locations in Kathmandu including Kalanki, Maharajgunj, Chabahil, Koteshwar, Gongabu, Balaju and Balkhu from 11 am, this morning.
Leaders claim, they are close to consensus Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal and vice chairmen Babu Ram Bhattarai and Mohan Baidhya, CPN (UML) chairman Jhala Nath Khanal and politburo members Bharat Mohan Adhikary and Ishwar Pokhrel, and NC vice president Ram Chandra Poudel and leaders Bimalendra Nidhi and Krishna Sitaula were present at the meeting.
More than half a million people set to hit streets during UCPN-M's May day demo, Bhattarai claims thousands of Maoist volunteers will be deployed to manage the crowd to ensure that the mass demonstration of the party goes on smoothly..... The meeting of the council on Friday decided to deploy Nepal Army in sensitive areas including the airport, hydropower plants and telephone towers. Nepal Police and Armed Police Forced were deployed for their security previously. ..... defence minister Bidhya Bhandari told reporters that government might bring Nepal Army out of the barracks if Maoist demonstrations turn violent and goes out of control.
NSC hands over infrastructure security responsibility to NA
NC for deploying army, if needed government cannot be replaced from the streets
UML politburo throws weight behind PM Nepal The two-hour long meeting of the politburo concluded that PM Nepal's resignation alone would not solve the current problem and that the government cannot be changed through street protests... Majority of the politburo members including party chairman Jhala Nath Khanal, Prime Minister Nepal and senior leader KP Sharma Oli were present at the meeting.

Nepal Seeing Major Political Crisis

There are serious undertones to the Maoists saying they will shut the country down indefinitely from May 1. I still don't fear renewed civil war, but the political paralysis is bad enough news.

UCPN (M) Announces Indefinite General Strike From May 2

The Maoists Have The Right To Peacefully Protest

Vandalism can not be tolerated. And the government has the right to not allow the protesters to enter certain areas of the capital city. So this announcement primarily puts the onus on the Maoist party to make sure their party cadres stay peaceful during the protest programs. They can shut the country down. They can take out processions. They can organize mass rallies.

By now it is too late to ask the Maoists to call off the protests. Now the attempt has to be to engineer a soft landing to the whole thing.

Best Case Scenario

The country is shut down for a week or less. An all party round table conference is organized. It would be best to organize such a conference at the earliest. There is no point in waiting for even a week. I think the parties have to agree to a change of government. That is the way out. But the parties should not simply cave in. The new government should involve the 10 largest parties in the constituent assembly. And the parties have to make it absolutely clear that they are not agreeing to a Maoist government or a Prachanda government. This is still a democracy. And they should put down a non-negotiable demand that they will not accept Prachanda's leadership to that 10 party government, that they want Baburam Bhattarai's leadership, and they can say that because it will not be a one party government of the Maoists. If it were a one party government of the Maoists, the Maoist central committee gets to decide who will lead that Maoist government. But in a 10 party government, it is for all 10 parties to decide who their leader will be.

A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership

Equally important, a 10 party steering committee will have to be formed. Otherwise there will be no guarantees that the Maoists will not repeat the bad behavior that they exhibited during the army chief episode. The army chief could have been legitimately sacked back then, but only with the consent of all parties in the then coalition government.

Another Six Months For The Constituent Assembly

Agreeing to a new government will go hand in hand with agreeing to give six additional months to the constituent assembly to complete its work.

Saying No To One Party State Mentality

Many Maoists talk of an eventual revolution as a prelude to some kind of a communist utopia. That is a dead end. The world figured that out in the previous century. The Nepali Maoists are going to have to figure that out one way or the other. Violence is not an option. A violent revolution is not an option. A one party state is not in the cards. Dictatorship is not happening.

Multi-Party Democracy Is Not Tactics

Multi-party democracy in Nepal is here to stay. Talk of state capture has to go away. There has to be talk of winning elections, and implementing land reform, and taking education, health and job opportunities to the people, to the masses.

The Two Philosophies Of The Last Century: Capitalism And Communism

It is very curious that Nepal has become the playground for the tussle between these two competing political philosophies of the last century. Here the Maoists have consistently refused to take a step that might be the middle ground, a fusion between those two competing philosophies that will also cure communism of the excesses and unintended consequences that the Maoists themselves have admitted to and have disapproved of. That step would be to turn Nepal into a multi-party democracy of state funded parties. But the Maoists will not do that because they have too much money. Prachanda has become too accustomed to slapping super expensive watches around his wrist. When he was Prime Minister he slept in a bed that he bought for 100,000 rupees. That does not strike me as someone who aspires to lead the poor. His ways have been not that different from the corrupt Congress people of the 1990s.

A Multi-Party Democracy Of State Funded Parties

Neither camp is wanting to take this final step that the April Revolution 2006 asks for. Without this step the Maoists will keep dreaming of a revolution some day, they will keep dreaming of a one party state. And the opposing camp will keep up with its suspicions of the Maoists.

Neither camp is willing to make this ideological leap.

The step to take before that leap is to pass a law that requires all political parties in the country to make and keep all their book keeping public. And also there all political parties are opposed to the idea.

The Maoists And Multi-Party Democracy
I Give Madhav Nepal Six Months
The Army Issue Has To Be Discussed In The Parliament
Nepali Diaspora: Rethink Time?
Prachanda Messed Up
Lesson For Maoists: Rule Of Law
ICG: Nepal's Faltering Peace Process
CPN (Maoist) To CPN (Deng)?

Standing Up To Prachanda

Agreeing to everything Prachanda wants could ultimately lead to civil war. You don't appease a dictator. Prachanda has dictatorial tendencies. But you do have to deal with the party that is the largest in the parliament. Without cooperation from the Maoists, there will be no new constitution. But that party has to be treated like the minority party it is. That party alone can not decide who will lead the next government. And the next government will have to be steered by a steering committee composed of all member parties to that government. That check and balance was missing the last time around and allowed for Prachanda to act like maybe it was not a coalition government.

A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership

Worse Case Scenario

Prachanda might opt for a game of brinkmanship. The smart thing for the rest of the parties to do is to publicly declare that they are okay with the idea of a 10 party government lead by Baburam Bhattarai and then let the rest of the country watch Prachanda oppose that idea for a week or so. His standing among the people will go down. It will look like he is keeping the country hostage for no reason other that he is opposed to Baburam Bhattarai, a Maoist, leading the government.

Worst Case Scenario

Things could get violent here and there in unplanned ways. The regressionists might make their moves and create incidences to sow confusion. The state security agencies might have to come into play. Things might get a little out of hand.

It is best to avoid such possibilities by exercising the political options right away.



How Do You Know The Maoists Are Willing To Play Ball?

The Maoists not willing to consider someone other than Prachanda to lead a 10 party government will be a clear sign that they still are not willing to embrace a coalition government culture. At that point the ruling alliance will have no option but to continue in government because the government still has the confidence of the parliament.



Don't trigger crisis, EU tells Nepal Maoists
Maoists call indefinite Nepal bandh from May 2 Times of India
Maoists set for indefinite strike to topple Nepal government Daily News And Analysis
Soon, a 550-km long India-Nepal trade route: Chidambaram Economic Times
Prachanda to govt: Step down by May 1 Indian Express
Maoists announce indefinite strike The Hindu
Nepal's Maoist leader calls for massive public protest Sify
Maoists set for indefinite strike to topple Nepal government Daily News And Analysis
Search for Prime Minister other than Prachanda www.reviewnepal.com A new form of storm has emerged in Nepali politics especially in the UCPN Maoist following the statement made by Prime Minster Madhav Kumar Nepal. PM Nepal has clearly stated that he would quit his post for the consensus candidate other than UCPN Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda.
Nepal Maoists train cadres for 'decisive war' Hindustan Times
Prachanda moves SC on CC move Himalayan Times

Organizing Nepalis In America: Conversations With Simon Dhungana

Simon Dhungana is currently serving his two year term as president of the Association of the Nepalese in the Americas, the ANA. Most people know ANA for the annual convention it puts together the July 4 weekend. It just might be the largest Nepali organization in America.

Simon dai was a few years senior to me at high school. And so we have a personal friendship going back long years. These past few weeks we have been in conversation on the topic of how to best organize the Nepalis in the Americas. I will not talk about everything we have talked about, but I think it is okay to touch upon some topics that have been publicly talked also by others. And there are some topics I will bring up that I hope to bring up with Simon dai himself in some of our future talks.

Nepali Diaspora: Rethink Time?

Superior Management Skills 

I have great confidence in his management skills. I think you will see evidence of that at the convention in Boston. When the convention runs smoothly, it feels like it is so easy to put one together. Most people are not aware of the months of work that goes into putting together one.

Not only has he been doing a good job with all that the ANA has traditionally done, he has also been breaking new ground. Just a few days back the ANA opened up its offices in Kathmandu. There seems to be this telemedicine initiative that is in the works. He has put together an impressive national team.

Nepalis In America

There are 300 million people in America. There are perhaps 150,000 Nepalis in America. That is one small crowd. But we have our needs. Those needs have to be met. There is the need to bond. There is the need to serve the community. There is the need to give back to the country of origin.

My Personal Involvement

Showing up for a Nepali event in America as a Madhesi is like being a Madhesi in the Nepal Army, or being a Madhesi student at Budhanilkantha School. (The Word Madisey: Madisey Bhanne Shabda) Usually there are one or two in a room if that. You could argue Upendra Mahato, a Madhesi, served as the founding president of the NRNA - Non Resident Nepali Association - for years. Simon Dhungana himself succeeded a Madhesi - Naveen Dutta - as the ANA President. I myself was the only Nepali in America to have worked full time for Nepal's democracy movement a few years back. There were many, many part timers who did great work, but I was the only full timer. So it is not like I have been passive. But my involvement has been political and digital. My digital democracy organization Hamro Nepal has been my vehicle. Other than that I have not joined any organization. I am strong on Madhesi rights, and I am the person who introduced ANTA - Association of the Nepali Teraian in America - into New York City, but I never joined ANTA.

My organization Hamro Nepal is completely digital, but it is not a diaspora organization. It has members also in Nepal. It is a global organization. It has been a perfect vehicle for the political work I have done for Nepal so far, and will be for some more work I hope to do. It suits my needs. Yesterday I saw its Google Groups page had had almost 5,000 visitors in four days. That is not counting the people who access that mailing list entirely through email.

The digital nature of the organization also means I can stay camped in New York City. Like I said to Ratan Jha back in 2006, ANTA is social, cultural, I am political, I wish you all the best, but I can't join.

Nepalis In America, Madhesis In Nepal

When I think about Nepalis in America, I think about political issues like immigrant rights. But Nepalis are not exactly Beer Gorkhalis on that topic. They are largely missing in action. I find myself instead claiming my South Asian identity in New York City. I am half Indian anyway.

Reshma Saujani Courts South Asian Voters in Upper East Side Congressional Race (I have been quoted.)

Work At Hand

When we had dictatorship in Nepal, I worked full time for democracy. I did not work just for the Madhesi. Then I worked for the Madhesi movement. The lack of Pahadi moral support was noticeable. Equality has not yet been achieved for the Madhesi in Nepal, and I will continue my work, but for that work my digital ways are the best. It makes more sense to pick up the phone to talk to someone like Jay Prakash Gupta than to even hobnob with the few Madhesis in New York City who are better at having mastered the ways to happy being the Token Madhesi in the room than to being the Madhesi who questions why he - and it is almost always a he - is the only Madhesi in the room.

More importantly, I have moved on. Internet access is the voting right for this 21st century. And that is not a Nepal or Madhesh level thing. That is a Global South level thing. It is about the Blac identity, Blac as in Black, Latino, Asian Coalition. That is what my tech entrepreneurship is about. I might have to take a detour and work a job for about a year or so, and then relaunch my startup. (Union Square Ventures Job Opening: I Am Applying) I was done raising round one money and then most of my investors walked away last February reacting to the worst economy in 70 years.

Not Too Impressed

I have not been too impressed with the Pahadis in America. I was the only full timer Nepali for democracy in Nepal, but I was not asked to address even one democracy gathering in New York City of that time period. One event that was co-organized by my organization and I was to be the speaker, the Pahadi emcee managed to get my name off the list and tactfully introduced the final speaker and himself left the premises. The Madhesi movement in Nepal was met with outright hostility by some of the Pahadi democracy activists in New York. The anti-Madhesi prejudice is well and alive.  

Most Nepalis working odd jobs in New York City have Indian bosses. There are some genuine workplace issues that have to be addressed. But we also lack the political consciousness to embrace the South Asian identity to empower ourselves.

Events

I go to Nepali events I go to. I go to Madhesi events I go to. I am friends with people I am friends with. But my digital organization (Hamro Nepal) is the only organization I see me involved with. I went to the ANA Convention in DC in 2002 because I was in DC that summer. I went to the ANA Convention in New Jersey in 2006 because it was nearby and I really wanted to meet Upendra Mahato in person, which I did. I might go to Boston for a day, if only because Simon dai and I have been in conversation. But my constant desire is to want to see 35 Madhesis in a room of 100 Nepalis, either in Nepal or in America. That will not be brought about by anything I might do in America. It will be done through political work in Nepal. Hello Nepal, America calling.

Madhesi Self Hate

To me it feels like I dropped out of high school in 1989 and I dropped out of college in 1997.

A 10 Party Government In Baburam Bhattarai's Leadership

The way out of the ongoing political paralysis in Nepal is a 10-party government under Dr. Baburam Bhattarai's leadership. Of course the Madhav Nepal led government has to be duly ousted by a no confidence motion in the parliament. That is the only way. And the 10 largest parties have to cobble a new coalition.

Dr. Baburam Bhattarai has exceptional personal qualities. He has intellectual heft that Prachanda does not. He has a clean image that he maintained as Finance Minister. A 10 party coalition will not coalesce around Prachanda, but it will around Bhattarai.

The 10 party participation will keep the Maoist excesses in check. A government with a two third majority in the parliament will be able to more fruitfully work on the new constitution.

Giving the constituent assembly another six months to complete its work might be a good idea.