Saturday, July 30, 2005

No, Ambassador, Municipality Polls Are Not An Option


The autocratic, royal regime and the seven political parties are not equally right, not equally wrong, not equally powerful, and not equally responsible for the current impasse in the country. The regime is totally responsible for what it has been for centuries, for what it did in 1960, for what it has been doing for the past few years, and for what it has done since 2/1, for the ideology it represents.

You do not appease the autocrats: it is a matter of principle. It is to do with democracy.


The king's attitude is what's mine is mine, what's yours is also mine, and we can talk about the rest. It does not escape my attention that the king keeps paying lip service to democracy. Either he is dishonest, or he honestly does not get it.


Democracy is not when you turn one small appendix of an article that should never have been there in the first place into a substitute for an entire constitution, the 1990 document that was a half attempt at democracy.


This king has ruptured the appendix.

Mr. Ambassador, you are getting used by the king to do his bidding in what he thinks to be his intricate, elaborate game with the political parties, a cat and mouse game where he believes he is the cat. There is no little or more democracy. There is democracy, or there is no democracy. A king supported with taxpayers' money with salaries several times that of your own president, the least he can do is answer to those taxpayers. He does not have endless options.


And as long people like you will keep giving him the false hope that he might, he just might be able to have this three years, he is not going to do what is his only option: head towards a Constituent Assembly.


Musharraf is no democrat, neither is King G. I am not an expert on the compulsions of the Pakistani people, but the Nepali people do not share them. Forces outside Nepal ought to actively help the forces for democracy inside of Nepal, but be that not forthcoming the least they can do is not aid and abet the autocrats. Not only should there be no moral support and no military aid, if things go downhill, there should be thought of economic sanctions. There should be talk of the Haiti option.


Nothing can be done to suggest the move of 2/1 was legitimate. Only an all-party government can hold elections in the country. This regime can not, because it is not legitimate. It is hellbent on holding elections because there are a few regressive, monarch-worshipping parties that will participate. But first, even for that to happen, elections have to be possible. I don't see how they are possible.


Just when the Maoists are showing clear signs (
Chitra Tiwari eInterview With Dr. Baburam Bhattarai) of smashing the western stereotypes imposed upon them, with clear commitments to a multi-party framework as you and I might understand the term to mean, with clear yardsticks along the way, it would be a disservice to thwart possibilities of mainstreaming them. The goal has to be peace. Those who get in the way of bringing the Maoists into the mainstream are subjecting the Nepali people to a continued civil war. The king is one such element. I hope you are not another.

You are an emissary of a Republican president. I would like to draw your attention to this: 2005 Young Republican National Convention (US) Resolution 1 On Nepal. If Republicans assembled in the distant city of Las Vegas can get the thrust of it, and see the king for who he really is, and what ideology he represents, why can't you?

At this point, it is not the Maoists' commitment to a multi-party framework that is suspect. Granted a Constituent Assembly is the only outlet, it is the king who has never been for the idea. It is the Nepali Congress who has finally come around to paying lip service to the idea, but whose commitment to the idea of such an Assembly is suspect, because if they truly are for an Assembly, they would be willing to forego their demand for a House revival.


Please take a look at this:
Possible Framework For A Maoist-Democrat Alliance. Please get realistic. Please don't unwittingly help the king prolong his drama which, if it did not cause so much pain, would actually be funny.

This king keeps monkeying around with this so-called Article 127. Bandar ko haat ma nariwal. That has to stop.


In The News

  • Talk about Municipality Polls: Moriarty Himalayan Times, Nepal James F Moriarty, today urged the political parties to hold dialogue about taking part in the municipality elections, which are going to be held in the near future....... the Rotary Club of Dharan, he said the parties are not satisfied with the declaration of municipality elections but there must be a negotiation for the betterment of democracy..... insisted that reconciliation between political forces and the Palace is essential for Nepal’s future..... "The USA is in favour of democracy in Nepal so we are against the February 1 royal takeover. But it is necessary for the Palace to compromise with the parties to prove its democratic nature. The present government is not functioning satisfactorily.”..... "The alliance of the seven parties is in its initial phase to solve the crisis facing the country, but the Palace must support it (Alliance)," he said, adding, "The Maoists are the main obstacle for initiating democratic process in Nepal."
  • US' myopic vision Kathmandu Post, Nepal - Jun 26, 2005 Should we give $ 2 million security assistance this year or $ 500 million to refugee camps scattered throughout India in the not-too-distant future?" questioned an on-vacation James F Moriarty, the US ambassador to Nepal, during a public function at the East West Center in Honolulu, US recently..... The RNA does need assistance ..... The bogey of Maoist threat is just bogus. Agreeing to the reason offered by Moriarty means recognising a threat that does not exist now, and is unlikely in the future as well. It only aims at providing legitimacy to February First...... If the actions of the royal government post-Feb 1 are any indication, the CPN (Maoist) do not appear to be any threat at all....... Emergency imposed (there was no reason to) and civil liberties and press freedom suspended; phones cut off (many post- and all pre-paid mobiles still remain disconnected); country-wide jailing of political leaders/cadres, human rights defenders and journalists; irreparable damage to bureaucracy by shunting seven secretaries in the government to the 'reserve pool' with no work, resulting in the suicide of one of them; thousands of journalists and other people rendered jobless; FM stations, the great vehicle of disseminating information and giving the voice to people in rural Nepal shut off in the name of security; killings an all-time high; security outside the valley deteriorating; people of eminence prevented from travelling outside Kathmandu as well as out of the country; until-now failed attempt to introduce a very harsh law to curb press freedom; beating of Maoists' victims in the capital, resulting in the death of a victim allegedly due to the beatings; formation of a commission to control corruption with the power of levelling charges, prosecuting, and even passing verdicts(!) against people accused of corruption; establishing autocratic panchayat-era regional and zonal commissioners above the chief district officer; parties and journalists and lawyers arrested for demanding democracy and rule of law.......... while UK's Ambassador to Nepal Keith Bloomfield and the European Union "see" through it, Moriarty and the US don't. Or perhaps pretend otherwise.
  • AI Calls for Gagan Thapa’s Release Himalayan Times, Nepal Amnesty International has expressed concern over the detention of Gagan Thapa, former general-secretary of the Nepal Students’ Union. The international watchdog has called on the authorities to immediately release him and other student leaders under custody unless charged with criminal offence..... Expressing concern over the safety of Thapa, the AI demanded that the authorities treat him and all other detained students humanely and grant them legal access and required medical attention. Thapa, who was arrested on July 27, is reportedly being detained at the Hanumandhoka Police Station...... “appears to be a prisoner of conscience detained solely for the legitimate expression of his opinions.” .....
  • NSU Holds Torch Rally in Maitidevi Himalayan Times, Nepal rally that started from Maitidevi Bridge at 4:30 pm ended at Maitidevi Chowk 15 minutes later.... a motorcycle rally from Chabahil Chowk that passed through Old Baneshwor and ended at New Baneshwor..... scheduled to organise a chakkajam on August 4 and will hold a protest rally in all the campuses throughout the country on August 6.
  • Seven govt. employees, including LDO, abducted in Ilam (1:20 pm) PeaceJournalism.com, Nepal
  • Gagan Thapa declared prisoner of conscience Kantipur Online, Nepal
  • Nepal students vow to teach king hard lesson IANS, India students vowing to teach King Gyanendra a hard lesson if their three key demands, including against a proposed move to revise the education curriculum, were not met by the weekend..... "nationalistic" education, the protesting student and teaching community say it would be an attempt to rewrite history by exaggerating the role played by the ruling dynasty..... threatened to step up protests countrywide, including closing down campuses. .... On Monday, protesters will stage a march in the capital with black flags to denounce the arrests.... The student community, one of the key pressure groups in the kingdom, has earlier been instrumental in the ouster of ministers and fall of governments..... When King Gyanendra assumed direct control of the government in a bloodless coup in February, the students were among the first ones to protest and saw a large number of their leaders sent to jail during a nearly three-month state of emergency when civil liberties were suspended.
  • NC won’t ally with Maoists: Sushil Koirala Himalayan Times, Nepal “There is no possibility of making alliance with Maoists,” he said, adding it was possible only if the Maoists put all their philosophical commitment into practice. .... he said during the second convention of Maoist-Victims’ Association of Nepal (MVAN) ..... More than five years have elapsed since the formation of MVAN but the sufferers have got nothing from any party, not even sympathy, said Chilwal.
  • Melamchi locals file graft case at CIAA Himalayan Times, Nepal Tired of “repeated appeals” to the concerned authorities for compensation for their land and houses ... 35 residents of both districts gathered in Kathmandu ..... Hari Prasad Dhital of Melamchi lamented his family had been displaced due to the encroachment of his land and houses by the Royal Nepalese Army.
  • 2006 Declared As Visit South Asia Tourism Year SouthAsia Network, Asia
  • Maoists shut down 20 clinics in Baitadi Kantipur Online, Nepal
  • T-bills discount rate declining Kathmandu Post, Nepal lesser demand of domestic borrowings
  • RCCC verdict on Melamchi Kathmandu Post, Nepal the decision of the sentence was claimed to have been made under Section 8 of the Prevention of Corruption Act 2002 .... Later, when the proclamation of state of emergency was revoked, RCCC continued to exist by an order issued under Article 127, which merely speaks of the order to be issued to remove the difficulties arisen in connection with the implementation of the Constitution. So, the very nature of the formation of RCCC has completely been illegitimatized. .... Article 84 of the 1990 Constitution has expressly enunciated this principle in a book and has worded that 'powers relating to justice in the Kingdom of Nepal shall be exercised by courts and other judicial institutions in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution, the laws and the recognized principles of justice'...... the principle of separation of powers.....parliament cannot enact laws to give judicial power to institutions, which are not inherently judicial. .... Article 85 (2), which reads that 'the law may establish special types of courts or tribunals for the purpose of hearing special types of cases.' ..... strictly prohibits to establish any 'special court' or 'tribunal' like RCCC for the purpose of hearing a particular case under proviso to Article 85...... Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966 (ICCPR) to which Nepal is a party expressly mentions that in the determination of any criminal charge, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law......The convicted can be sent into prison only by the decision of courts. The irony is that Deuba, who, for the first time incited the King to exercise Article 127, became himself the victim of the same.
  • Students take out torch rally in Kathmandu NepalNews
  • Seven parties announce fresh stir; students threaten to shut down colleges NepalNews.... nationwide protests will start from August 2 ... various anti-government protests until August 21 .... demanding release of student leaders within 36 hours.
  • NC (Democratic) to launch nationwide protests NepalNews
  • RCCC verdict reduces atmosphere for reconciliation: India NepalNews
  • Being a non-White in London NepalNews Subindra Bogati .... Plain-clothed police start following a young man from the house he is renting but do nothing to stop him till he tries to board a train at underground tube station. Then police first corner him and pin him to the ground and unload five bullets into his head at close range in a full view of tube passengers...... A tragedy that has made non-Whites in this multicultural city shiver with fear. ..... male, Asian and young. .... media here were reporting that terrorist suspect with an “Asian” face had been shot dead by police. What a contaminated perception! The person they were reporting about and whom the police gunned down mistakenly was not Asian, but an innocent Brazilian..... Deependra Shrestha has stopped carrying a bag while going to University or Library. “I prefer to use grocery bags till the situation gets normal..... Gopal Shrestha, an investment banker with work permit to stay and work in the UK, says that the scenario will remain same for Nepalis to work in London even after these bombings. “We are Nepalis, not Asians,” he adds...... July 7 bombings, which were carried out by British-born suicide bombers .... police have recorded more than 1,200 suspected Islamophobic incidents across the country ranging from verbal abuse to murder in the past three weeks.
  • The Peace Pipeline Through Pakistan Kanak Mani Dixit Nepali Times ..... the prime minister replied, “…there are many risks, because considering all the uncertainties of the situation there in Iran, I don't know if any international consortium of bankers would probably underwrite this”. .... Iran has the second-largest reserves of natural gas in the world. India's galloping economy needs to shift from coal and petroleum to natural gas in order to attain and exceed the magical annual 8 percent GDP growth rate........ Musharraf was enthusiastic and willing to provide guarantees of the pipeline's flow and mollify Indian worries of a tap turn-off during bad times...... the mother of all confidence building measures, and the political economy of our region would be transformed...... After attacking and destabilising Iraq, Prez Bush is now on the lookout for other countries to restore democracy in....... this president is powerful, insensitive and uncaring..... India, the Southasian superpower, seems to have blinked in the face of the world's superpower. One would have expected India to be made of sterner stuff.
  • No Alternative To Girija Deshantar There is no alternative to a revolution .....It will be foolish to change leadership in the middle of an ongoing movement.
  • Democracy: The Only Thing On The Parties' Agenda Dristi The parties are no longer demanding the Maoists agree to a constitutional monarchy ..... The autocrats want to tire the parties, and crush the Maoists ..... They do not care that foreign aid has been cut drastically .... They wish to hold general elections in three years, and bring a party of their choice into power ... Looks like the king and the parties are headed for a permanent divoce...

Senator Leahy To US Congress On Nepal














I rise to speak about the situation in Nepal, which has received too little attention by the Congress. I will not take the time to discuss in detail the history of this tiny country wedged between China and India. Suffice it to say that not only is Nepal among the world’s least developed countries, it is also facing a ruthless Maoist insurgency and a political crisis instigated by King Gyanendra which together threaten to turn Nepal into a failed state.

Last year, after receiving disturbing reports of widespread human rights violations by the Royal Nepalese Army, including arrests, disappearances, torture and extrajudicial killings of civilians, the Congress imposed a number of conditions on our military aid to Nepal.

Those conditions required the Nepalese Government to

(1) comply with habeas corpus orders issued by the Supreme Court of Nepal;

(2) cooperate with the National Human Rights Commission to identify and resolve all security related cases of individuals in government custody;

(3) grant the National Human Rights Commission unimpeded access to all places of detention; and

(4) take effective steps to end torture by security forces and prosecute members of such forces who are responsible for gross violations of human rights.

Unfortunately, not only have those conditions not been met, the situation was made significantly worse on February 1st when King Gyanendra, with the backing of the security forces, dissolved the multiparty government, arrested and jailed political opponents, human rights activists and journalists, and declared a state of emergency.

The state of emergency has since been lifted, but civil liberties, including freedom of the press and association, remain restricted, the former Prime Minister has been jailed for corruption by an extrajudicial, politically motivated anti-corruption commission, and arrests of journalists and democracy activists continue.

Speaking with one voice, the United States, Great Britain, and India ondemned the King’s actions as a setback for democracy. They said it would make it more difficult to resolve the Maoist problem, and each country imposed varying types of restrictions on military aid. Since then, however, the American Embassy has adopted a more nuanced approach, sending mixed messages that have been widely interpreted as giving equal consideration and validity to the views and actions of the King and the political parties. Unfortunately, the impression today of Nepalese pro-democracy and human rights activists is that the United States is not fully behind them.

The army insists it is complying with habeas corpus orders of the Supreme Court. This is deceiving, however, because the security forces, often in plain clothes, have been re-arresting people who the court has ordered released. In some instances they have waited at the courthouse steps to take people back into custody immediately after they are set free by the court. Since these arrests are often made without charges, the whereabouts and treatment of these people is often unknown.

In April, the term of the National Human Rights Commission expired and the government reconstituted the Commission in a manner that was incompatible with the 1990 Nepalese Constitution. The membership of the Commission has also changed, with the exception of the chairman.

Not surprisingly, none of the current members, appointed by the palace, expressed publicly any disagreement with the King’s February 1st actions, including the arrests and curtailing of civil liberties. The chairman of the Commission even expressed support for the King’s actions. This has caused legitimate concerns about the Commission’s independence.

There is conflicting information about the government’s cooperation with the National Human Rights Commission in resolving security related cases of persons in custody. According to human rights groups, the situation has not improved. The Commission has said it is getting better access to places of detention, but it is not clear how meaningful this access is. We know there are large numbers of people who have disappeared, yet we are informed that when members of the Commission visit army barracks they have seen few detainees, are led around by army escorts, and that some barracks where detainees were reported to be held were completely empty. There is a concern that the army is summarily executing prisoners. Meanwhile, the International Red Cross has suspended its visits to prisoners because of the army’s failure to provide the access it requires.

The issue of ending torture and prosecuting members of the security forces who commit gross violations of human rights, is also difficult to assess. According to human rights groups, torture is routinely practiced and impunity remains the norm. The army claims it disciplines its members who violate human rights, but many of the cases it cites do not involve human rights violations. According to the army officer who heads the army’s human rights cell, complaints about human rights violations by the army are “much ado about nothing.” Those words speak volumes.

Under our law, the Secretary of State is to determine whether the conditions have been met. As a sponsor of the law, I would expect that prior to making any determination she would consult with representatives of reputable human rights groups, including the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, as well as with the British and Indian governments. It is important that we and they be seen as united on these issues.

In that regard, I would hope that she would consider the implications of such a determination in the context of the larger political crisis. We do not want to do anything that could be seen as further evidence that the United States supports the King when he is using the army and police to crush the forces of democracy.

Last week, the Senate revisited the conditions on our military aid for Nepal. Since those conditions were enacted prior to February 1st, they have in large measure been eclipsed by subsequent events. The Senate determined that modifications were needed, and those changes were adopted unanimously on July 20, 2005, in an amendment to the fiscal year 2006 State, Foreign Operations Appropriations bill. I ask unanimous consent that the amendment, which if agreed to by the Senate-House conference committee will apply to United States military aid for Nepal for the fiscal year beginning October 1, 2005, be printed in the Record at the end of these remarks.

Nepal is a breathtakingly beautiful country facing immense challenges. The majority of its people are illiterate, subsistence farmers who are caught between the Maoists, who extort money and food, forcibly recruit their children, and commit atrocities, and the army which mistreats and often shoots those suspected of sympathizing with the Maoists.

The King, while professing to support democracy, seems determined to take the country back to the pre-1990 feudal days. This is not the first time he has dismissed the Prime Minister, and since February 1st he has surrounded himself with elderly advisors from the Panchayat era. He has ignored repeated urgings by our ambassador, and other governments, to sit down with representatives of the political parties to develop a plan for the prompt restoration of multiparty democracy.

As in any country where multiparty democracy has existed for only a decade and a half, Nepal’s fledgling political parties suffer from internal divisions and are struggling to establish their credibility with the Nepalese people. This should surprise no one. Democracy is never perfect, and that is particularly true in an impoverished, isolated kingdom whose people have been ruled by a monarchy that ignored their needs for centuries. Yet, despite these obstacles, Nepalese journalists, political activists and civil society continue to speak out.

What is the alternative? A Maoist “people’s republic” that could plunge Nepal into darkness? A return to an active monarchy that is accountable to no one?

Nepal is at an historic juncture. The Maoists have made steady gains over the past decade. Once a minor irritant, today they are a national menace. Even since 2001, when King Gyanendra ascended the throne and became commander in chief of the army, the Maoists have grown stronger. Although they are unable to hold territory or to seize power in Katmandu, they pose an increasing threat to the security and livelihoods of Nepal’s people.

The King has made a tragic blunder, and the Nepalese people are paying a heavy price.

Former Prime Minister Deuba is in prison, which the State Department has rightly called a setback for democracy. This week there were new arrests. On July 25, several dozen journalists and civil society leaders were arrested and detained for over 24 hours during a peaceful protest. On July 27, a pro-democracy student leader, Gagan Thapa, was arrested while attempting to visit fellow detained student leaders.

Mr. Thapa is reportedly being held on suspicion of sedition. His arrest is a threat to all democracy activists and should be strongly condemned by the State Department.

The King’s strongest card is the army, but it lacks an effective counterinsurgency capability, it cannot defeat the Maoists in territory as rugged and isolated as parts of Afghanistan, and it has abused and alienated the very people it is supposed to protect. The army needs to demonstrate that it is worthy, if it wants U.S. support.

Earlier this year, in order to avoid criticism at the UN Human Rights Commission, the King agreed to permit the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to open an office in Nepal and deploy human rights monitors. This is a welcome development, which the U.S. should strongly support. If the UN monitors are provided with unimpeded access, they should be able to determine if the Maoists are prepared to stop attacking civilians and recruiting children, and if the army is serious about respecting international humanitarian law.

Recently, the UN Secretary General’s Special Advisor traveled to Nepal to assess the situation. He concluded that a solution to the crisis rests on three elements: “a return to constitutional order and multiparty democracy, an end to hostilities, and inclusive national dialogue towards a negotiated solution to the underlying causes of conflict.” The UN has a long history in Nepal, and it could play a key facilitating role on each of these elements. I would hope that the State Department would publicly support this.

No one should minimize the challenges. The Maoists have yet to demonstrate that they are ready to abide by a ceasefire, which should be a prerequisite for negotiations on their political demands. But our policy should be unambiguous.

Democracy is the only viable alternative, and we should make clear that we unequivocally reject the King’s imperial ambitions, that the days of an active monarchy are over, and that we support the political parties. Whether that means the restoration of the 1999 Parliament or the formation of a new constituent assembly, is for the Nepalese people to decide, but there should be no doubt that we support a political process that is open, transparent, inclusive and accountable to the people.

Democracy and dialogue are the key to peace in Nepal, and we should do everything possible to reaffirm our willingness to work with the political parties, with Nepalese civil society, the Indian government, the British government, other key countries, and with the United Nations, towards that end.

Video: CSPAN2 News 08:00 15/07/2005

Chitra Tiwari eInterview With Dr. Baburam Bhattarai


As soon as Tiwari's email with a link to the interview transcript landed in my inbox, I fired off an email to him, even before reading the interview. Will you please arrange for me to have an eInterview with Bhattarai, I asked.

Question: It was reported several months ago that you were purged from all positions of responsibility by your party. Now you appear to be active in an international public relations campaign. Has your party restored you to your previous positions?

Answer: It is true that a serious inner-party struggle had developed within our party over important ideological and political questions. The core issue was the question of defense, application and development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a scientific tool to change the social world in the 21st century. To be more specific, the question of dictatorship and democracy, both with respect to the party and society at large, was at the center of the debate. In strategic terms it was the vexed question of developing a new model of proletarian or socialist democracy devoid of distortions of the Stalin era, and in a tactical or immediate sense, it was the question of pursuing a correct political line to abolish feudal monarchical autocracy a
nd complete bourgeois democratic revolution in the country. Our party has recently resolved to grapple with these ideological and political questions in a unified and principled manner. I have now been rehabilitated to my earlier position in the Standing Committee of the Politburo.

Q: It was reported that you met Indian political leaders in New Delhi. Whom did you meet with and what have you achieved from those meetings? Did you contact representatives of other foreign governments and agencies, particularly China, the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union and the United Nations? If so, what was their response?


A: Yes, I was deputed by the party, along with other comrades, to have dialogue with different political forces, both inside and outside Nepal, for a just and forward-looking political solution to the problems. As we are still in the process of engagement of different kinds with the important political players that have stakes in Nepal, it may not be opportune to divulge the details yet. But this much I can share with you: Almost all the national and international forces now realize that there can be no viable and sustainable political solution without our active participation in the whole process. This has certainly motivated our party to play an even more constructive and responsible role in the days to come for peace, democracy and progress in Nepal.


Q: Do you sincerely believe you can prevail over King Gyanendra's army to establish a Maoist republic and sustain the revolutionary regime at a time when the regional and international situation is not favorable to your cause?


A: It is not only our sincere belief but the real apprehension of even our opponents, like the U.S. ambassador to Nepal, that the revolutio
nary forces may any time overrun the tottering royal regime. Almost all the independent observers in recent times have testified that the effective control of the royal government does not extend even a few kilometers from the capital city or the heavily fortified military barracks elsewhere in the country. The royal army has been completely reduced to the defensive, and would have collapsed much earlier if it were not buttressed by external military aid, particularly from the U.S.A., India, the UK and others. Despite this, we are not attempting a final military victory right now, but are working for a negotiated political settlement either directly for a democratic republic or for the election to a constituent assembly. That is basically for two reasons. First, given the vacillation of a large section of the urban and rural middle classes toward revolutionary change, we find it prudent to go through the substage of a democratic republic. Second, due to the sensitive geopolitical setting of the country sandwiched between the two huge states of India and China, and both hostile to a revolutionary change we feel constrained to settle for a compromise solution acceptable to all.

Q: It appears that parliamentary parties and the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) are bridging the gap. Are you hopeful of the formalization of a party-Maoist united front against the monarchy?


A: The latest royal coup d'etat of February 1 seems to have finally woken the parliamentary parties to the reality that the monarchical autocracy backed by the traditional royal army is the biggest impediment to any form of democracy, and goaded them to make a common cause with the Maoist revolutionaries against the monarchy. We, on our part, have been pleading for this anti-monarchy united front for the past several years.
The recent decision of the seven-party alliance to fight for "full-fledged democracy" is definitely a positive step forward, and it has opened a good possibility of forging a working alliance with us against the monarchy. However, there is a lot of confusion and inconsistency in their road map of starting with the restoration of parliament and ending in an election to a constituent assembly. They seem to have more of a legalist approach than a political approach to the vexed problem. Nevertheless, we are hopeful we can work out a common minimum democratic agenda once we sit down for talks. Our party has already called for formal talks between the two sides, and we are waiting for their positive response.

Q: Political parties have also called upon your party to renounce armed struggle as a condition for a party-Maoist working alliance to fight the monarchy. Do you see it as a possibility?

A: No, they have not called upon us to renounce armed struggle per se, but merely to desist from any form of physical attacks against the unarmed persons. Our party leadership has already issued standing orders to the PLA (People's Liberation Army) and the armed militia not to resort to any form of armed actions against anybody except for the royal armed forces. This has created a conducive environment for joint movement against the monarchy. Even the parliamentary parties now seem to realize that without the existence of the PLA to take on the royal army, they might have to face greater repression from the royal regime. However, we recognize certain practical difficulties, at least in initial stages, to coordinate the two entirely different streams of the armed and the unarmed movement against a common target. But we are confident that technicalities can be sorted out in a cordial manner.

Q: How would you convince those who are concerned in view of the activities of your out-of-control militia that you will not accept the result of the constituent assembly election if its results go against your party's expectation?


A: First, it would be gross exaggeration to say that our militia is "out of control." Certainly there have been some grave mistakes, but the party leadership has profusely apologized for the serious error of judgment on the part of our lower level cadres and punished them. But, as a whole, the PLA and the militia is under the effective control of the party and is quite motivated and disciplined.
Second, we have publicly made a commitment time and again that we are ready to negotiate on the question of management of the armed forces of both the sides during the period of election to the constituent assembly, and we will accept the result of a free and fair election to the constituent assembly, whatever the result may be.

Q: Critics who say your party has not yet clearly amended its manifesto in favor of multiparty system view your commitment to democracy with suspicion. How would you convince the international community that CPN (Maoist) means no harm to democracy, peace and stability in Nepal? How do you define your version of multiparty democracy?


A: Given the bitter experiences of the practice of people's or socialist democracy in the erstwhile socialist countries, we can appreciate this "once bitten, twice shy" syndrome. Some of the key components of the bourgeois form of democracy, namely multiparty competition, periodic elections, universal franchise, rule of law, freedom of the press and speech, etc., however, seem to enjoy wider validity. We have, therefore, sought to incorporate these characteristics in the future democratic setup in the country.
As for the particular question of a multiparty system, we have time and again reiterated our commitment to it and incorporated it in our official resolutions adopted by the Central Committee. You can particularly find this in the well-known resolution "On the Development of Democracy in the 21st Century" adopted in June 2003.

Q: Finally, if the party-Maoist united front does not materialize, do you see any possibility of the resumption of peace talks with King Gyanendra?


A: We are quite hopeful that a broad united front against the monarchy will materialize soon. In case the leadership of the parliamentary parties once again capitulates before the autocratic monarchy, it will be our bounden duty to lead the people in their long-drawn fight against the feudal monarchy and complete the democratic revolution. We don't see any possibility of peace talks with the king in the near future. That would be a gross betrayal to the democratic aspirations of the people.

BP Koirala: Hoping Against Hope At Sundarijal


































Royal Finances

Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala: Sundarijal Jail
(Source: Nepali Times)
  1. The Diary
  2. "Why this darkness?"
  3. "The sameness with sameness"
  4. “What is courage?”
  5. “A cold bath is physically and morally uplifting. Morally, because the operation involves a courageous decision and action.”
  6. “Life is settling down to a pattern”
  7. The psychological price of public appreciation
  8. “The ship is sinking.”
  9. The changing of the guard
  10. “Revealing myself to myself.”
  11. “A small chink in the prison wall”
  12. Nepal, India and China
  13. “I yearn for so many things.”
  14. "I have no time for depression"
  15. “The problems that the country faces require statesmanship.”
  16. On love and politics
  17. “We are totally cut off from the outside world.”
  18. “The ball is in the king’s court.”
  19. “As long as I can write, there will be no maddening depression.”
  20. “My one foot is outside the jail gates.”
  21. “My one foot is outside the jail gates.”
  22. “Nationalism, democracy and economic development are all linked.”
  23. “The king has no alternative but compromise”
  24. “The king will soon open a dialogue with us…”
  25. "Spring has set in"
  26. “Who wants to keep the king and the political parties apart?”
  27. “Keeping alive the fire of democracy…”
  28. “I am homesick more than anything else...”
  29. “Waiting and waiting and nothing happens...”
  30. “Nothing could save Nepal”
  31. “I have suddenly become a political being”
  32. “Unimaginativeness and ennui”
  33. “Democracy will save Nepal”
  34. “I now understand human misery…”
  35. “The king needs to balance.”
  36. “Solitary confinement is softening my mind…”
  37. “I miss GM a great deal.
  38. “I have shown myself to be a weak person in these pages.”
  39. “Between hope and frustration…’
  40. “I am in for an ordeal…”
  41. “Nepal will be a hotspot for international rivalry…”
  42. “What has weakened my character?”
  43. “A constitutional monarchy is also a monarchy.”
  44. “I am fighting for the dignity of Nepalis”
  45. “The king had high praise for me.”
  46. “The wind is favourable.”
  47. “The king is a well-meaning person…”
  48. “Prison is a relief.”
  49. “The king is not going to take the initiative.”
  50. “I am at the king’s disposal”
  51. “The king’s politics has ceased to be relevant”
  52. Shailaja’s letter
  53. One day in BP’s life in jail
  54. “Love is a triumphant ride in a chariot”
The power imbalance between Mahendra and BP was too great, so one should not judge BP too harshly, but the first thing I notice is how BP keeps hoping against hope. BP was a bonafide intellectual, an idealist. He might have had some deficiencies on the practical side. But it is amazing how he keeps thinking maybe Mahendra will reverse course. As if Mahendra maybe did not mean to do it, that maybe he got ill-advised by people around him. That Mahendra actually likes him, that Birendra actually likes him. The talk is almost delusional when we compare BP's judgments to the historical facts of Mahendra's and Birendra's acts. BP's idealism almost seems to blind him to the concrete contours of power politics. Mahendra wanted power, he grabbed it, and there was no way anyone was going to convince him out of it.

Birendra was not that different from Mahendra. Why? Because it is not about who they might be as individuals. It is to do with the institution called monarchy. It is to do with the power dynamics of an institution designed to keep power to itself. What is institutional is institutional, it is a mistake to see it as personal.

What happened to BP was sad, for the person as well the country. If 1960 had not happened, Nepal today would have been some sort of an economic dynamo. I think BP was a rare, great, talented guy, but that is a statement not on him, but on democracy as a functioning concept.

Lessons have to be drawn from BP's life for the current struggle. Today the ground realities are vastly different. There is a clear, global hostility towards the king, and a growing domestic one as well. Gyanendra does not have Mahendra's options, not even close. One thing is for sure, he is not getting his three years. But even during that short period, leaders have to be realistic. Let not the "aura" of the monarchy fool you. Judge the king based on his specific words and actions to measure progress or lack thereof.

ADHRN


My blog entry $100,000 managed to generate some controversy. What I say there about possibly presiding over the ADHRN is not an attempt at a power grab, more like an attempt to try and engineer something more concrete and creative in Nepal from this end: eDemocracy, 4S Campaign, 24/7 Vigil For Democracy: Take Over Tundikhel. Concerted fund-raising efforts, disciplined messages, maximal participation, open dialogue, a broad umbrella for a host of issues and organizations.

I have received a few phone calls, I have made some. And I have weathered some inflamed online discussion threads. It is not like there is anyone voicing against the idea, but rather people unsettled at the very idea of it. There are ripples, let's say. If you are a progressive, activist kind, you might as well get used to it.

I have informed two of the officers of ADHRN. I am open to possibilities of instead having a committee within the organization. But when the sole focus is the movement for democracy in Nepal, I am not sure a committee idea might be the best one.

Whatever is to be done, it is to be done in an open, democratic and respectful way.

And if it is done, it does not escape my attention that I might end up the first Madhesi to lead a major US-based Nepali organization.

I intend to present my case. I mean, I already have an offer to participate in some capacity. But I figured, why not gun for the leadership itself? If I have the best vision, and political understanding, and a track record of proven leadership skills, and a concrete gameplan for a possible, decisive movement inside of Nepal, and the best plans to provide moral and logistical help from this end, then why not get hold of the steering wheel itself?

I would want to hand over the leadership as soon as democracy materializes inside of Nepal. Then on my involvement with Nepal would primarily be through the online think tank: 21st Century Nepal.

Alliance for Democracy & Human rights in Nepal

President: Sanjaya Parajuli, Vice-President I: Somnath Ghimire, Vice –PresidentII: Yem Rayamajhi, General Secretary: Anil Shahi, Joint Secretary: Sudeep Lamichhane, Treasurer: Radha Poudyal, Chairperson of the Board: Mirdula Koirala, Board Members: Rabin Raj Pandey, Kirshna Pokharel, Mahabir Chaudhary, Pratap Kunwar, Phurba Sherpa, Sujata Rai, Binod Roka.

Or a third way could emerge. There is a potluck picnic the Alliance seems to be hosting next Sunday. Maybe that will be a venue for some discussions and stratetizing.

I did a Google News search on the organization. It has beee news for hosting two talks programs recently. United We Blog gave the talk by Kunda Dixit major coverage.
I also did a Google search.
  1. Alliance For Democracy and Human and Rights in Nepal, (ADHRN), USA ...
  2. United We Blog! for a Democratic Nepal
  3. Samudaya.org :: View topic - Human Rights Speakers, 16 July (NY ...
  4. America-Nepal Friendship Society, Inc., - News & Events
  5. INSN.org » International Nepal Solidarity Network
  6. The Times of Tibet - http://www.timesoftibet.com Alliance For ...
  7. Indian American Center for Political Awareness
  8. Nepalis stage protest at UN demanding democracy
  9. Rally for Democracy in Nepal
  10. United We Blog! for a Democratic Nepal » Guest Column
cc: Sanjaya Parajuli, Anil Shahi.

In The News
  • Considerable improvement in law and order situation: King Kantipur Online
  • POLITICS-NEPAL: At War With Whom? Inter Press Service (subscription), World a succession of real and rumoured legal changes suggest the palace is planning deep-rooted alterations to the liberal democratic society .... amended law also removes affirmative-action quotas for hiring women, dalits ('untouchables') and indigenous people. .... the government has stopped placing advertisements in private media, cutting off an important source of their revenue..... threat hanging over journalists' heads ''leads to self-censorship, which in a way is more dangerous'' ...... 'In the next three years, the king will not even leave any trace of democracy, let alone strengthening it...... the new United Nations human rights office in the capital has also been talking with Maoists. The discussions centred on human rights violations....... ''He probably wants to restore the Panchayat (pre-democratic) system under a different name,'' added SD Muni .....
  • Poudel appointed Chief Justice Kantipur Speaker Tara Nath Ranabhat, who had been opposing the use of Article 127 by the King, also attended the meeting. ......former chief justice and chairman of the present constitution drafting committee Bishwa Nath Upadhyay, termed the invocation of Article 127 and the giving of the prime minister's authority to the chief justice as "unconstitutional"....."The present constitutional crisis has been created by the King. So, it makes no sense for the King to invoke Article 127 citing the same crisis."
  • NC-D takes action against 12 members Kantipur 12 party workers who were reluctant to go against Feb.1 royal takeover and Royal Commission for Corruption Control.... Mani Lama, district president of Taplejung, Keshav Kumar Budhathoki of Jhapa, Mahesh Kormacha of Okhaldhunga, Man Bahadur Chand of Darchula, Ajit Thapa, vice-president of Dhankuta..... party’s central advisors Govinda Malla and Narendra Bahadur Bum have also been disengaged from their ranks.
  • OHCHR in touch with Maoists Kantipur ... has established a channel of communication with them .... "We came in contact with local level Maoists while carrying out investigation,” the Kantipur daily reported Martin as saying Friday, “and we have already established communication with the central level." ...... human rights situation in Nepal should be looked under three categories: violations of human rights and international humanitarian laws relating to conflict; human rights situation after February 1; and long standing human rights issues such as discrimination on grounds of social and economic backgrounds......
  • Maoists torch 3 passenger buses Kantipur All the passengers were disembarked from the buses before setting it ablaze .... buses on its way to Manthali
  • King plans to rule longer than three years: Nepal Kantipur in an analysis of the King’s six months of direct rule .... Nepal also said now the political parties wouldn’t even accept the King’s proposal even if would be based on Constitution of Nepal 1990..... the talk of dialogue and reconciliation at this hour was absolutely meaningless
  • Students stage demonstrations Kantipur Irate students blocked the roads in front of Shankar Dev, Padhma Kanya and Pashupati Campus
  • Corruption rampant in autocracy Kathmandu Post, Nepal the fight against corruption cannot succeed in a country where freedoms and democracy are curtailed. Manandhar was citing cases of 160 countries around the globe to support his argument. ..... In China and Vietnam, there is a legal provision of serving death penalty to people found guilty of corruption. "Yet, corruption is very high in both countries" .... dismissed the popular assumption that corruption in Nepal increased after the restoration of democracy in 1990...... "Ever since the parliament was dissolved in Nepal in 2002, government arrears have increased abruptly," he said, adding that all arrears are not necessarily corruption, but all corruption are arrears.....the term "terrorism" is being used to discredit Maoists, while the term "corruption" is being used to discredit multiparty democracy.
  • With Interest: 'China model' is tough to copy International Herald Tribune, France Countries are like people - they also like to try out the latest get-rich-quick scheme..... China's political stability. It is not involved in any particularly active conflicts with its neighbors, and any disturbances in its region...... China's political system also gives the government enough control to pave the way for foreign investors....... The China model may smack of get-rich-quick, but it's really get-rich-slow.
  • Govt reconstitutes Social Welfare Council Kantipur Online, Nepal
  • British Gurkha champ ready to defend Deuba HindustanTimes.com UK edition, India A maverick Nepalese lawyer, who has helped the British Gurkha soldiers fight against the British government and wrest equal rights, says he is ready to give King Gyanendra battle to free jailed former premier Sher Bahadur Deuba.... Gopal Siwakoti ....has offered to fight for Deuba's release in the United Nations international court in Geneva..... Siwakoti has jumed into the fray with a band of lawyers at the Human Rights Committee in Geneva...... "In 1991, Nepal ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights." "If the government violates the pact, it can be taken to the UN court directly." "Nepal's Jail Act says an accused person can be jailed after he has been sentenced by a court," he says. "But the commission is not a court. Only parliament can form a court, not the king." .... international laws require judges to be "transparent, independent and impartial"..... Siwakoti, who has the reputation of filing public interest cases, however can't go to the UN court directly since only the "victim" has such access. "But if Deuba gives the nod, we can file our case within a week," Siwakoti said. "In two months we can mobilise 100 lawyers at home and abroad who will defend him before the UN." ..... Deuba says though the probe commission is unconstitutional, he will not fight its verdict in a higher court because he feels judges are afraid to go against the king.
  • Single Visa for S Asia May be a Reality Soon Himalayan Times, Nepal
  • Melamchi-Affected Locals Issue Ultimatum Himalayan Times, Nepal
  • Religious communities urge govt., Maoists to declare ceasefire PeaceJournalism.com, Nepal
  • It's birthday parties vs political parties in Nepal NewKerala.com, India .... four-year-old Hridayendra, has gun salutes and foreign dignitaries arriving in Mercedes and BMWs..... second of three children born to Paras and Crown Princess Himani..... an elder sister Purnika and a younger one Kritika
  • With the rift between the king and parties deepening, many wonder ... OhmyNews International, South Korea a question asked frequently -- but increasingly -- not only in Nepal but the world over: Will Nepal become a republic? .... there is no letup in sight. Could the unthinkable happen? ..... a perpetual state of uncertainty -- both psychologically and financially ..... there has been no positive impact of the royal takeover as evidenced by the media report, "Democracy vs. autocracy: Figures speak for themselves" ...... The king’s game plan is simple: Egged on by his backers, he is tightening his grip on the key levers of power to ensure his rule.... the needle of suspicion is pointed in one direction: King Gyanendra...... who will solve the complex trigonometric puzzle of the political parties-king-Maoists? As the abyss of difference gets wider, finding someone to do so will become more unlikely.....