Showing posts with label prashant jha. Show all posts
Showing posts with label prashant jha. Show all posts

Thursday, November 05, 2015

Prashant Jha: Nepal’s Contested Constitution

Nepal’s Contested Constitution Deepens Crisis at Home and With India
Prashant Jha Thursday, Nov. 5, 2015

Rather than resolve its ongoing political crisis, Nepal’s new constitution has produced a polarized internal landscape and complicated relations with its most important neighbor, India. The product of a peace process that brought insurgent Maoist rebels into mainstream politics, the new constitution was promulgated on Sept. 20, institutionalizing a federal, democratic and secular republic.

But it failed in its core task of bringing the country’s various ethnicities—there are over 100—and social groups together. Many social groups, especially the Madhesis and Tharus of southern Nepal, are deeply unhappy with its provisions on inclusion, political representation, federalism and citizenship, and have been leading a mass movement against it for more than two and a half months, leaving the country paralyzed.

India is also upset at the crisis at its doorstep, and is putting pressure on Nepal’s political leadership to make amends. But

in Kathmandu, the protest movement against the constitution is being dismissed as an Indian-sponsored plot, while ultra-nationalist sentiments run high and the government’s willingness to correct course is unclear.



At the root of the divisions is the fact that

the country’s political structure has never reflected the remarkable ethnic and social diversity of Nepal, producing deep inequality.

Power has been monopolized by the Hindu upper castes based in the mid-hills of Nepal who, although they constitute less than one-third of the country’s population, dominate politics, bureaucracy, the army and even civil society and media. Madhesis, who live in the southern plains region known as the Terai, have historically not been treated as equal citizens and are even viewed as a “fifth column” due to their extensive ethnic, linguistic and kinship ties across the border with India. Janjatis—the indigenous peoples of both the hills and plains—have historically been subsumed by a centralized state, with their culture and languages marginalized, and remain underrepresented in politics. Women, meanwhile, have lived under a traditional patriarchal society, with gender discrimination institutionalized in law. At the bottom of the hierarchy are the Dalits, the “untouchable” caste who are stripped of dignity, opportunity and any participation in the mainstream.

Nepal’s formal democracy of the 1990s, which followed 30 years of an autocratic monarchy, did not adequately address these inequities, which led to the outbreak of civil war from 1996 to 2006. Maoist insurgents mobilized excluded segments of society, waged guerrilla warfare and made elections for a constituent assembly and the abolition of the existing monarchy their central plank.

In 2006, the Maoists agreed to end the violence and participate in mainstream democratic politics; the older parties dropped their support for a constitutional monarchy and decided to embrace the agenda of restructuring the state through an elected constituent assembly, opening the doors to political change.

There were two clear fault lines in this period: the battle between monarchy and democracy, and the battle between Maoists and non-Maoists. But there was a third, less-visible fault line: Nepal would either remain a non-inclusive state where political power was concentrated in the hands of a few; or it would become inclusive, multicultural and federal in character, with political power distributed among its social groups, while taking steps toward an egalitarian order. This was the question the constituent assembly had to resolve, but which it repeatedly failed to, despite several missed deadlines.



But after the devastating earthquake in April, political equations changed. Top political leaders realized their failure to adequately respond to the humanitarian crisis had damaged their credibility. A breakthrough on the constitutional impasse, which had lasted too long, became necessary. The tragedy also offered a pretext to others to drop some of their demands and shift tracks. The Maoists, who had until then sided with the marginalized social groups, agreed to support a draft constitution fielded by the two other top parties—Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist)—making Nepal a federal democratic republic with a parliamentary system. It would also be secular, albeit with a pronounced Hindu tilt.

The resulting document alienated the ethnic Madhesis in the Terai, as their share of seats in both houses of parliament would be reduced due to the formulas used to determine representation. The new constitution also dropped a key provision from the interim constitution of 2007 for “proportionate inclusion” of Madhesis and other historically marginalized ethnic groups in state organs, while further diluting the principle of quotas by adding a host of other groups, including dominant upper castes, as eligible for representation.



Meanwhile, the constitution’s citizenship clauses require the offspring of mixed marriages to get Nepali citizenship by naturalization only when the father is a foreigner. In turn,

naturalized citizens are not eligible for a range of public positions, including president, prime minister, heads of security agencies, chief minister and more. In addition to violating gender equality, the provision appears driven by the fear—many see it as paranoia—of Indians marrying into Nepal and taking over key positions, given the extent of cross-border marriages in the Terai.



Adding to opposition to the constitution was its gerrymandering of provincial demarcations, which favors the hill groups that have long dominated Nepali politics.

Terai groups wanted the country’s 20 plains districts divided into two provinces, one in the east dominated by Madhesis and the other in the west dominated by Tharus, an indigenous group.

Instead, while leaving eight districts in a plains province, the constituent assembly merged 12 districts with various hills provinces. The result was an eastern Madhesh province deprived of resources, and the Tharus reduced to a political minority in western Nepal.

The decision to push the constitution through despite protests against it, with police then killing and harassing demonstrators, only added to the unrest. The constitution’s technical legitimacy cannot be contested. After all, an elected constituent assembly by an overwhelming majority passed it. But its political legitimacy is under grave threat, given the climate in which it was passed.

To make matters worse, it has added to tensions with India, which had consistently urged the Nepali leadership to strive for the broadest possible agreement, taking into account the grievances of the dissenting forces. After the constitution passed, Madhesi leaders in Nepal stepped up their protests and declared they would block the India-Nepal border, disrupting the flow of goods to pressure Kathmandu to address their grievances.

The blockade—which Nepal claims has been imposed by India, and India claims is the result of the insecurity within Nepali territory—has prevented fuel and other essential commodities from entering Nepal.



The movement in the Terai against the constitution reflects genuine anger, and if its moderate demands are not addressed, there could be further radicalization and even a secessionist movement. That is a scenario New Delhi wants to avoid at all costs. Despite India’s temporary unpopularity in Kathmandu, it is nudging Nepal’s leadership to make the difficult decisions necessary to accommodate the opposition.

Nepal managed its transition from an autocratic monarchy and civil war to peace and a republic. The constitution represents the culmination of this process. But it holds the seeds of discord within it. Before it can be enforced, it has to be amended.
Prashant Jha is an associate editor with Hindustan Times in New Delhi. He is also the author of “Battles of The New Republic: A Contemporary History of Nepal.”

Sunday, September 13, 2015

In The News (70)

हिजो साँझ सागरमाथा टेलिभिजनमा भएको मेरो अन्तरवार्ता..........

Posted by Tula Narayan Shah on Sunday, September 13, 2015

Aaja pani goli haru kammar mathi nai barsio! Yo training ko kami haina niyat ho. Ani nautanki garchau warta ko.

Posted by Subhash Chandra Shah on Sunday, September 13, 2015

एकातिर बार्ताको बाटो खुल्ला छ भन्ने, अर्कोतिर प्रक्रिया सुरु गर्ने...अजब नेपालको गजब राजनीति ! एक थान संबिधानको बाटोमा नेपाल !

Posted by Kosmos Biswokarma on Sunday, September 13, 2015

बिहानै ११.३० मा प्रक्रिया अगाडी बढाउँछौं ठोकेर के.पी.ओली र तिनका आँपहरुले भन्थे, बल्ल बल्ल २ बजे सुरु भो त्यो पनि फेरी छ...

Posted by Subhash Chandra Shah on Sunday, September 13, 2015

गुप्ता जी, तपाईंको लेखहरु प्राय पढिरहेको हुन्छु ,बिचार राम्रो पनि लाग्छ । त्यसमा पनि जुन हजुरले कृषिमा मिहिनेत गरेर आर्थ...

Posted by C.k. Sah on Sunday, September 13, 2015

Madhesi refugees have already started flooding into India including district chairmen of Madhesi parties.

Posted by Subhash Chandra Shah on Sunday, September 13, 2015

सम्बिधान जारी भयो भन्ने नेपाल सँग सँगइ कुनै पनि नेपाली ले केहि महिना सम्म सुख सँग जिउने छैन र नया सम्बिधान सभा को निर्वाचन फेरी हुन्छ । जय पशुपतीनथ !!!

Posted by Mahesh Yadav Adhikari on Sunday, September 13, 2015

मधेशी को एउटा मोर्चा ले ओलि सँग स्शर्त कुरा गरेरै सम्बिधान सभा को प्रकिर्या छाडेका थिए । आज फर्किने गरी पार्टी बैठक गर्दै छन । मधेश लाई धोका दिए , इतिहास ले निर्मम हिसाब गर्ला । ध्यान रहोस ।

Posted by Rajesh Ahiraj on Saturday, September 12, 2015

'१ मधेश १ स्वायत्त प्रदेश, नहीं तो स्वतन्त्र मधेश देश' कहके विगत १० वर्ष से जनता को ठगने वाले नेता और पार्टियों का हिसा...

Posted by Dr. CK Raut on Sunday, September 13, 2015

नेपाल का मिडिया हरु ले कसरि भ्रम फैलाउछन लु हेर्नुस ,, यो एम्बुलेन्स होकि ngo , ingo को हो ?

Posted by Amar J. Gurung on Sunday, September 13, 2015


सरकारमाथि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय बढ्दै, यूएनद्धारा एक साता दुई पटक साचो व्यक्त
मधेस आन्दोलन गैरमधेसी समुदायविरुद्ध हैनः उपाध्यक्ष साह
सैनिक शासन लगाउने हिम्मत छ ?
भारतीय राजदुत र रअको दवावमा यसरी लत्रिए सुशील, केपी र प्रचण्ड
मधेशी–थारुको काठमाडौंमा रैला (२६ तस्बिर)
हिंस्रक को : थारु-मधेशी कि “नेपाली” राज्य ?
गृहमन्त्री गौतम र एमाओवादी सभासदबीच चर्काचर्की
मधेसमा भएको आन्दोलन राजनीतिक होइन : गौतम
प्रमुख सचेतक गिरिराजमणी पोख्रेल, प्रभु साह लगायतका सभासदहरु आइतबार प्रधामन्त्रीलाई भेटेर गृहमन्त्रीलाई भेट्न पुगेका थिए । ..... सभासद प्रभु साहले अनलाइनखबरसँग भने,

‘गृहमन्त्री असाध्यै नेगेटिभरुपमा प्रस्तुत हुनुभयो । उहाँले बल प्रयोग गरेरै ठीक हुन्छ भन्नेजस्तो कुरा गर्नुभयो ।’

....... एमाओवादी सभासदहरुले कैलाली र महोत्तरी घटना दुःखद भएको भन्दै त्यसको प्रतिशोध अन्यत्रका जिल्लाका सर्बसाधारणसँग लिन नहुने बताएका थिए । उनीहरुले सुरक्षाकर्मीले निहत्था, सर्बसाधारणमाथि समेत गोली चलाएको र धेरैको छातीभन्दा माथि गोली लागेको सुनाएका थिए । उनीहरुले सेना फिर्ता लिन, कर्फ्यू हटाउन र सम्वादबाटै समाधान खोज्न आग्रह गरे । तर, गृहमन्त्री गौतमले ‘म कर्फ्यू हटाउँछु, सेना फिर्ता लिन्छु तर मधेसमा भएको सबै घटनाको जिम्मेवारी तपाईंहरु लिनुहुन्छ ?’ भन्दै प्रश्न गरेका थिए । ...... यसअघि प्रधानमन्त्री सुशील कोइरालालाई पनि भेटेर एमाओवादी सभासदहरुले सैन्य समाधान नभइ राजनीतिक समाधान खोज्न आग्रह गरेका थिए । एमाओवादी सभासदरुका अनुसार दंगाग्रस्त क्षेत्र घोषणा फिर्ता लिन, सेना फिर्ता गर्न, कर्फ्यू हटाउन र पक्राउ परेकाहरुलाई रिहा गर्न प्रधानमन्त्री सकारात्मक देखिएका थिए ।
सप्तरीमा कांग्रेस पार्टी कार्यालयमा आगजनी
मोर्चा कार्यकर्ताहरुले सदरमुकाम राजविराजस्थित कांग्रेस पार्टी कार्यालयमा राति ७ बजेतिर आगजनी गरेका हुन् । आगजनीबाट कार्यालयका सम्पूर्ण फर्निचरहरु जलेर नष्ट भएको छ । ..... कार्यालयको ताला तोडेरभित्र पसेका मोर्चा कार्यकर्ताहरुले त्यहाँ रहेका फर्निचरहरु बाहिर ल्याएर आगजनी गरेका हुन् । कार्यालयभित्र रहेको कुर्सी र टेबुल तथा पार्टीको बोर्ड र झण्डा बाहिर ल्याएर जलाइएको हो । ........ प्रहरीले कांग्रेस पार्टी कार्यालयबाट प्रहार गरेको अश्रु ग्यास पुनरावेदन अदालतको गेट अगाडि गएर खस्दा व्यापारीहरु पसल बन्द गरेर भागेका थिए ।
मधेसको आन्दोलन बोर्डरमा पुगिसक्यो : रामेश्वर यादव
'पार्टीका झण्डा फालिए, अब गृहयुद्ध हुन सक्छ'
मधेसकेन्द्रित दलहरुमध्ये सबैन्दा ठूलो दल मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम लोकतान्त्रिक पछिल्लो मधेस आन्दोलनमा भने कान्छो दल बनेको छ । .......

सरकारले आन्दोलनकारीलाई वार्तामा बोलाएलगत्तै गच्छदारले एक चरण प्रधानमन्त्री सुशील कोइरालासँग वार्ता गरिसकेका छन् । तर, फोरम लोकतान्त्रिकका बरिष्ठ उपाध्यक्ष रामेश्वर राय यादव भने त्यसलाई वार्ता मान्न तयार छैनन् ।

........ उपाध्यक्ष यादवका अनुसार मधेस आन्दोलन अब कुनै दलको झण्डामा छैन । दलको झण्डा र नेताको लगाम बाहिर गइसकेको आन्दोलन बिस्तारै राज्यको नियन्त्रणबाट पनि बाहिर जाने र मुलुक गृहयुद्धमा फस्ने खतरा उनले देखिरहेका छन् । ........ अहिले जे भइरहेको छ, यहाँ बल प्रयोग अधिकतम राज्य पक्षबाट भएको छ । जो मरेको छ, जसले उसलाई मारेको छ, मर्नेले उसलाई पाल्न कर तिरेको छ । ........ टीकापुरदेखि महोत्तरीसम्म आउँदा जसरी प्रहरी सुरक्षाकर्मीको हत्या भयो, त्यो अत्यन्त दुःखद पक्ष हो । यसलाई मैले ठीक भनेको छैन, तर जसरी राज्य पक्षले गोली टाउकोममै हिर्काएको छ, त्यसले आक्रोश बढायो । म त भन्छु, आक्रोश अझै बढ्न सक्छ । आक्रोश बढाउन राज्य पक्षले भूमिका खेलेको छ । त्यसैले सेना फिर्ता गरेर राज्यले वार्ताको वातावरण बनाओस् । सेना फिर्ता भएपछि सामान्य वातावरण बन्छ । ..... यहाँ त वार्ताका लागि भनेर संविधानसभाको प्रक्रिया स्थगित गर्ने, अनि मान्छेलाई कुखुरा मारेजसरी मार्ने काम भयो । ...... जतिबेला कांग्रेसका मधेसी र थारु सभासदले फ्लोर क्रस गर्ने निर्णय गरे, त्यसपछि संविधानसभा स्थगित भएको हो । माओवादीका मधेसी र थारु सभासद पनि फ्लोर क्रस गर्ने अवस्थामा पुगेका थिए । त्यसैले यो स्थगन भनेको वार्ताका लागि होइन, आफ्नै सभासदको बिद्रोह रोक्नका लागि हो । जो आन्दोलनकारी हुन्, उनीहरुलाई वार्तामा बोलाउने खालको बोलावट भएन । ........ आन्दोलनकारी जो-जो निस्किए पनि मधेस आन्दोलनका मागहरु करीव-करीव एकै छन् । ....... वार्ता हिमाल, पहाड, तराई जहाँ गरे पनि हुन्छ । हेलिकोप्टरमा उडेर आकाशमै गरे पनि हुन्छ । ....... त्योबेला स्वायत्त मधेस प्रदेश भनिएको थियो, समावेशी समानुपातिक भनिएको थियो, जनसंख्याका आधारमा निर्वाचन क्षेत्र भनिएको थियो ....... हामीले झापादेखि पर्सासम्मको एउटा प्रदेश र चितवनदेखि कञ्चनपुरसम्मको अर्को प्रदेश गरी तराईमा दुई प्रदेश हुनुपर्छ भनेका हौं । मधेस प्रदेशको स्वायत्तता र पहिचान कायम हुने गरी अनुकुल वातावरण बन्छ भने तराई मधेसमा तीन प्रदेश बनाउँदा हामी बाधक बन्दैनौं । पहिचानले मात्र पुग्दैन, त्यसैले सामथ्र्यका लागि उदयपुर, सिन्धुली, मकवानपुर जस्ता चुरे महाभारत भएका जिल्ला पनि समेटिनुपर्छ । मलाई लाग्छ, सबै मधेस आन्दोलनकारीका माग यिनैभित्र समेटिन्छन् । ......... आन्दोलन लम्बिँदै जाँदा धेरैखाले शक्तिहरुसँग मोर्चा हुन्छ, मधेसमा । .... यसरी नै बल प्रयोग हुँदै गयो भने जे पनि हुन सक्छ । समुद्र मन्थन गर्दा विष र अमृत दुबै निस्किएजस्तै धेरै भँगालाहरु मिसिन सक्छन् । त्यसैले बेलैमा आन्दोलनलाई सम्बोधन गर्नुपर्छ भनेको हो । ..... अहिलेको आन्दोलन कुनै पार्टीको होइन, जनता स्वस्फूर्त रुपमा आन्दोलित छन् । यो कुनै पार्टीले जस लिने वा भोलि भोटको फाइदा लिने सोचभन्दा निकै पर गइसकेको छ । ..... जनता आफैं आन्दोलनमा आएका छन् । जनताको आन्दोलनलाई समयमै सम्बोधन गरिएन भने यो गृहयुद्धतिर लम्किसकेको छ । ..... आन्दोलनको कमाण्ड राजनीतिक पार्टीको हातबाट बाहिर गइसकेको छ । अब यो आन्दोलनका माग सम्बोधन नहुने हो भने राज्यले यसलाई झेल्न सक्दैन । दुवै पक्षको नियन्त्रणबाट बाहिर बोर्डरमा गइसकेको छ । ........ अब आन्दोलनमा कसैका झण्डा नराख्ने निर्णय भइसकेको छ । अब यो आन्दोलन पार्टीहरुको होइन, जनताको भइसक्यो । मधेसी, मुस्लिम, थारु सबैको आन्दोलनका रुपमा अघि बढेको छ । सबै पार्टीका मान्छेहरु आन्दोलनमा सहभागी भएपछि पार्टीका झण्डा किन राख्ने ? अहिलेको आन्दोलन कुनै एक दुई पार्टी वा मोर्चाको आन्दोलन नै होइन । यो बेलैमा सम्बोधन भएन भने देशको अवस्था भयावह हुन्छ । ....... यो देश पहाडी जनताका पनि हो, मधेसीको पनि हो । । यो पहाडे बिरोधी आन्दोलन होइन । हाम्रो आन्दोलन खसवादी चिन्तन बोकेका, एकल जातीय शासन प्रणाली चलाउने व्यक्तिको बिरोधमा लक्षित छ । ........

यहाँ भारत र राजालाई देखाएर आफ्नो दूनो सोझ्याउने जमातले यस्तो हल्ला चलाएको हो ।

...... एक महिनासम्म आन्दोलन हुँदा नसुन्ने तर भारतले एकाबिहानमै तह लाउने रहेछ नेताहरुलाई ...... मिलाउन जो पनि आउन सक्छ । अडोसी पडोसी आउन सक्छन् ।
‘बाँचेर फर्किने आसै थिएन’
महोत्तरी घटनामा बाँच्न सफल सशस्त्रका जवानको बयान
म सशस्त्र प्रहरी बल जिल्ला सुरक्षा कार्यालयमा बसिरहेका बेला एसपी साबले मलाई असई साबलाई सिटीस्क्यान गर्न जनकपुर अस्पताल लैजान लगाउनुभयो । म असई साब भएको एम्बुलेन्समा चढें । गणबाट निस्किएर हामी राजमार्गबाटै अघि बढिरहेका थियौं । ...... पर्कौली चोकमा आन्दोलनकारीले ढुंगा राखेर बाटो रोकेका थिए । हाम्रो एम्बुलेन्सलाई पनि रोक्न खोजे । सडक किनारबाट अवरोध छलेर अघि बढाउन खोजेको उनीहरूले एम्बुलेन्सको सिसा फुटाए । ...... एम्बुलेन्स चालकले गाडी गोरेटो बाटोभित्र छिराए । हामी गाउँको बाटोबाट भित्र छिर्‍यौं । २ वटा मोटरसाइकलमा ६ जना आन्दोलनकारी हातमा बियरको बोतल बोकेर हाम्रो पछि लागे । ........ चालकले गाडी तीव्र गतिमा अघि बढाइरहेका थिए । असई साब बोल्न सक्ने स्थितिमा हुनुहुन्न थियो । उहाँ सुतिरहनुभएको थियो । ...... म पछाडि आइरहेका आन्दोलनकारी हेरिरहेको थिएँ । हाम्रो गाडी अचानक रोकियो । गाडी खाल्डोमा पसेछ । चालकले निकाल्न सकेनन् । ....... आन्दोलनकारी मोटरसाइकलमा अघि बढेर आएपछि चालक गाडी छाडेर भागे । म र असई साब पनि निस्किएर भाग्यौं । अलि पर नपुग्दै उनीहरूले हामीलाई नियन्त्रणमा लिए । बियरको बोतल टाउकोमा बजारे । असई साब ढल्नुभयो । बोल्न त सक्नुभएको थिएन नै । प्रतिकार पनि गर्न सक्नुभएन ।...... मलाई टाउको, हात र खुट्टामा हाने । दुई जनाले मलाई पछाडिबाट हात बाँधे । अनि मेरै आँखाअघि असई साबलाई बियरको बोतलले हान्न थाले । उहाँको पेट, मुख, टाउको र शरीरका अन्य भागमा हानिरहँदा मैले केही गर्न सकिनँ । असई साब मरेपछि एम्बुलेन्समा आगो लगाए । ....... अनि मलाई ‘यो प्रहरी हो, यसलाई जिउँदै जलाउनुपर्छ,’ भनेर लिएर गए । एम्बुलेन्स चालक कता गयो थाहा भएन । उनीहरूले घटनास्थलबाट २ किलोमिटर टाढा रहेको अनैठा गाउँमा पुर्‍याए । मैले आफूलाई केही नगर्न याचना गरिरहें । उनीहरूले सुनेनन् । ...... अर्को गाउँमा पुर्‍याएर पेट्रोल छर्किन लाग्दा त्यही गाउँको एक जनाले यसलाई आगो लगाएर मार्ने होइन, बन्दी बनाउनुपर्छ भन्यो । ...... उनीहरूले त्यसै गर्ने भनेर त्यही व्यक्तिको घरमा लगेर राखे । मलाई घरभित्र छाडेर उनीहरू बाहिर आए । ती व्यक्तिको घरमा मान्छेको भीड लाग्यो । भीड नदेखे पनि उनीहरूको आवाज सुनिरहेको थिएँ । बाहिर जम्मा भएको भीडले मलाई बाहिर निकाल्न दबाब दिइरहेका थिए । जिउँदो फर्किने आसै मारिसकेको थिएँ मैले । ...... केही बेरपछि घरधनी भित्र आएर मलाई पछाडिको ढोकाबाट भागेर जान भने । भीडलाई बाहिर रोक्न नसक्ने भन्दै भाग्न लगाए । म पछाडिको ढोकाबाट निस्किएर अर्को घरभित्र पसेर लुकें । ...... त्यहाँ २ घण्टा बसेपछि त्यो घरधनीले पनि आफ्नो घरमा तिमीलाई लुकाए घरमै आगो लगाइदिन्छन् भन्दै भाग्न लगाए । म फेरि पछाडिको ढोकाबाट निस्केर धानबारीभित्र पसें । धानबारी ठूलो थियो । लुक्दै, भाग्दै झन्डै २ घण्टा बित्दा एउटा बाँसको झयाङ र छेउमा भुस राख्ने टहरो देखें । ...... गाईभैंसीलाई खुवाइने भुस राखिने त्यो टहरोमा पुग्दा एउटी महिला काम गर्दै थिइन् । उनलाई मैले राजमार्ग निस्किने बाटो सोधें । उनले अहिले जाँदा मारिदिने भन्दै त्यही भुसमा लुकेर बस्न लगाइन् । म त्यहीं बसें । ........ अनि उनले खाना खाएको छैन होला म लिएर आउँछु भन्दै घरबाट खाना ल्याइदिइन् । उनीसँगै उनका दुई छोरा पनि आए । मैले खाना खाएपछि उनीहरूको मोबाइल मागें । ती महिलाले मोबाइल दिइन् । अनि फोन गरें । ती महिलाले प्रहरीलाई मडही गाउँमा बोलाउन लगाइन् । ...... अनि त्यहाँबाट उनका दुई छोराको जिम्मा लगाएर मलाई मडही गाउँ पठाइन् । मडही गाउँमा पुगेर म झाडीमा लुकेर बसें । ती केटाहरू पनि छेउछाउमा बसे । केहीबेरमा प्रहरीको गाडी आएपछि ती केटाहरू फर्किए । म पनि प्रहरीसँगै फर्किएँ । दिनभर ज्यान जोगाउन भाग्दाभाग्दै म साँझ ७ बजे मात्र कार्यालय आइपुगें । घाउचोट लागे पनि बाँचेर फर्किएँ । जीवित फर्किने आसै थिएन ।


शेर्पा प्रदेश माग्दै फाप्लु विमानस्थलमा आक्रमण प्रयास
विमानमा बोतल प्रहार, दुई आन्दोलनकारी पक्राउ
शेर्पा प्रदेश बनाउन माग गर्दै सोलुखुम्बुसहित

६ जिल्ला बन्द

आह्वान गरेका शेर्पा समुदायले फाप्लु विमानस्थलमा अवतरण गरेको नेपाल एयरलाइन्सको ट्वीनअटर विमानमा आक्रमण प्रयास गरेका छन् । ....... प्रहरीले शान्तिसुरक्षामा खलल पुर्‍याएको भन्दै शेर्पा प्रदेश संघर्ष समितिका सोलुखुम्बु संयोजक पेम्बा शेर्पा र सहसंयोजक ङीमा शेर्पालाई नियन्त्रणमा लिएको छ । उनीहरुलाई सल्लेरीमा र्‍यालीमा हिँडिरहेका बेला प्रहरीले नियन्त्रणमा लिएको हो ।

सोलुखुम्बुसहित, ओखलढुंगा, रामेछाप, दोलखा, सिन्धुपाल्चोक र संखुवासभा

का भूभाग समेटेर शेर्पा प्रदेश बनाउन संघर्ष समितिले माग गरेको छ । ......

हालसम्म बन्द हड्ताल नभएको पर्यटकीय जिल्ला सोलुखुम्बु आइतबार पहिलोपटक ठप्प छ ।

सदरमुकाम सल्लेरीमा यातायात, विद्यालय, वित्तीय संस्था, होटल, लज तथा पसलहरु बन्द छन् । सल्लेरीबाट काठमाडौं तथा अन्य स्थानका लागि छुट्ने सवारी साधनहरु छुट्न सकेका छैनन् ।


थारु बाहुल क्षेत्रलाई छुट्टै देश बनाउने थरुहट अध्यक्षको चेतावनी
अर्को फरक प्रसंगमा अध्यक्ष चौधरीले विजयकुमार गच्छदारको फोरम लोकतान्त्रिकको मोर्चाप्रति असन्तुष्टि जनाउँदै सो मोर्चाबाट अलग हुनेसमेत बताए। फोरम लोकतान्त्रिक कैलालीका केही भाग मिलाएर थारुवानमा मिलाए पनि सहमतिमा आउन लागेको उनीहरुसँग आन्दोलनमा एक भएर जान नसकिने जिकिर गरे। ...... उनले कैलाली कञ्चनपुरदेखि नवलपरासीसम्मको थारुवान प्रदेश चाहिएको दोहोर्‍याए। पत्रकार सम्मेलनमा थारु नेताहरुले थारुको मागलाई व्यवस्था गरेर ल्याएको संविधान आए आन्दोलनको आँधिबेरी ल्याउने बताए।


मधेश आन्दोलनको समर्थनमा अमेरिकास्थित मधेशी, सहिदको सम्झनामा मैनबती प्रज्वलन
नेपालमा अधिकारको लागि भइरहेको लडाईमा पूर्ण समर्थन रहेको जनाउँदै उनीहरुले संसारभरका मधेशीलाई एकजुट हुन र मधेश आन्दोलनमा समर्थन जनाउन आग्रह गरेका छन् ।
सविधानसभामा नै सविधान जलाएर, काठमाडौ छाड्ने अमरेशको चेतावनी
Why India must speak up strongly on Nepal

For India, the stakes could not be higher. It is now time to shed the diffidence of not appearing interventionist, for developments in Nepal are already having a direct impact on Indian interests.

India’s special relationship with Nepal, and active role in its politics, also gives it a more than legitimate space to do so, especially if the objective is to defuse a conflict........ For forty days, Nepal has been burning. ...... The game-changer in Nepal’s constitutional deadlock was the decision of the Maoists to break ranks with their allies, Madhesi parties of the plains, in June this year. Both forces had fought together for an identity based federal system, which would empower the Madhesis, the ethnic tribes called the Janjatis, and other excluded groups. The older forces had a federal design which would maintain demographic advantage and political dominance for hill Hindu upper caste communities, which had traditionally wielded power........ Maoists shifted sides, and signed up to a constitutional deal that reversed many of the achievements for the excluded groups. An electoral system was designed which would leave these groups of the Tarai under-represented in the national legislature; provisions on proportionate inclusion of the marginalised into state organs were dropped; draconian citizenship provisions were introduced which hurt the rights of both women and Madhesis; and federal boundaries were carved out in a manner to suit the ruling elite. ....... The Tarai rose up in flames. ......... The primary fault-line in the country was undoubtedly that between the hills and the plains. ...... Madhesi and Tharu objections to constitutional provisions were brushed aside. The Kathmandu leadership was first complacent that the marginalised social groups would not be able to mount a movement, but as a spontaneous people’s uprising erupted in the plains,

the government decided on a path of brutal suppression.

Violence by protestors did not help, but the state response – now documented by National Human Rights Commission as well as the Tarai Human Rights Defenders Alliance and other international watchdogs – has been brutal.......... Over 40 people have been killed, mostly in police firing. The Tarai has been paralysed for over three weeks, with a complete shutdown of schools, colleges, industries, vehicular movement and the highway. The army has been deployed and curfew imposed, but this has been defied, with thousands of protestors on the streets every day. ........ In a private conversation, PM Modi is even learnt to have PM Sushil Koirala that he must take the initiative and bring all stakeholders into a room, for it was not possible for five to ten people to push through a constitution........ the shared interest of top leadership of all three parties. They happen to be from the same community – hill Brahmans, with one leader, former PM Sher Bahadur Deuba, from the Chhetri community. In times of deep ethnic polarisation, their ethnic loyalties have prevailed over both party ideological agendas and national interest. This small cabal of four high caste men has decided the best way to maintain elite hegemony is to push through a document, written on their terms, which would benefit their social base and maintain a hierarchical and inequitable power structure, at the cost of other excluded communities. Irrespective of whether they are social democrats or Maoists, their primary identity at the moment is that of being a pahadi Hindu caste member.........

UML chair KP Oli is the true ideologue of this ‘ram through the constitution’ line. He is the most conservative of Nepal’s political leaders in a long time

– he happily allied with the king when a democracy movement was underway; his contribution to the anti monarchy agitation was limited; he was the most vocal opponent of the Maoist agenda for progressive political change; he has told interlocutors he does not believe in positive discrimination of any sort or affirmative action; he is a reluctant federalist, and believes any form of federalism itself is a ‘concession’. Oli sees himself as the next PM, and believes the quicker the constitution goes through, the sooner he will get to occupy the coveted house in Kathmandu’s Baluwatar area. ........ The most surprising addition to this group has been Maoist chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’. ....... By siding with the establishment, Prachanda is now viewed as the ‘great betrayer’ among these very groups; he will also have a difficult time explaining the need for a People’s War which killed 16000 people if he had to sign up to a regressive constitutional draft finally. Prachanda’s interests are driven by self-preservation. He is apprehensive that war-crime cases may come back to haunt him; in the past decade in open politics, he is also understood to have amassed huge amounts of wealth. His deal with Oli, Kathmandu’s political circles speculate, rests on protection for these sins........ This is a peace process that was conceived and signed in New Delhi exactly ten years ago, at the end of 2005....

given India’s deep engagement in the process, it cannot wash its hands off at this moment of climax, when the process itself is about to crumble.

....... Stability in Nepal has always been India’s top priority, and this was the original trigger for India shedding its ideological aversion to Maoists and ‘bringing them down the hills’, in JNU Professor S D Muni’s evocative phrase, to join the process. ...... There are almost six million Nepalis working in India, according to Government of India estimates. Every family in Tarai shares a roti-beti relationship with families across the border in Bihar and UP. There are both Indian nationals and Indian businesses operating in Nepal. Unlike the Maoist rebellion, which was concentrated in the hills, this time around, the violence and turbulence is happening right across the open border in the plains. There are already reports of Nepal’s Madhesi citizens fleeing to seek refuge in Bihar and UP, from the districts of Mahottari and Kailali respectively, after violence. Conflict in Nepal will directly impact India, and it has to do all it can to avoid an escalation........ India also cannot ignore that what is happening in Nepal is the surge of ethno-nationalism. The Tamil case from Sri Lanka shows that if the legitimate grievances of a community are not addressed in time, political elements within the community can become radicalised, militarised, and a conflict escalate into an outright civil war. And when such a community has close links with communities across the border, for instance the Tamils in Tamil Nadu in the Sri Lanka case, India’s options become constrained....... A young foreign educated scientist, C K Raut, has already returned home to wage a movement for a separate country, and his popularity is only growing. If the Tarai does not get what it is asking for in Nepal, more young men and women will get drawn to Raut and ilk. And given the links the community shares with Bihar, do not be surprised if there is a substantial political constituency in Bihar which begins to speak for the rights of Nepal’s Tarai. The intersection of domestic politics and foreign policy will only make matters more complicated for Delhi. It is time to prevent another Sri Lanka type situation emerging.........

There is a legitimate apprehension in Delhi that any public move would only serve to alienate Kathmandu’s powerful hill elite establishment – and given that India has to do business with the Nepali state, this constituency cannot be ignored. This is true – but this is a constituency that is always the most adept at playing the anti India card.

........ Delhi has little to do with the current Madhesi unrest, but listen to Nepali politicians, and it would appear that this is all a grand Indian design. The ploy is to stoke ultra nationalism, scare Delhi and put pressure on India to use its influence with Tarai groups to sign up to a constitution against its interests. There is no reason for India to give in to such games........

The big three forces in Kathmandu calculate that once the constitution is through, the international community will come around.

....... In Washington, New York, London, Brussels, and Beijing, Indian diplomats must talk to their US, UN, UK, EU and Chinese counterparts to make them aware of the gravity of the situation in Nepal. Nepal’s political elite is hoping to play on real and perceived rifts within the international community. But proactive Indian diplomacy can easily bridge any such gulf, if it exists at all, or dispel the impression. No foreign power, including China, wants instability in Nepal. And no foreign power, including China again, would like to alienate Delhi on the question of Nepal. A common position will put pressure on Nepali leaders. .......... it is a select political elite which is driving the process. Each of the top leaders who are currently pushing a process that would lead Nepal to conflict has received Indian patronage of some form or the other. It is time to give the Nepali people a sense of the nature of such transactions. There is already brewing political anger in Bihar and civil society led efforts in border towns against Nepali state’s actions. ......

There is little point in being a regional power if you do not exercise it at decisive moments. This is one such moment for India. It helps that Delhi’s interests converge with that of a majority of Nepali people. It is time to act.

Tuesday, August 25, 2015

5-10 people cannot impose a Constitution: PM Modi tells Nepal

5-10 people cannot impose a Constitution: PM Modi tells Nepal
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has told his Nepali counterpart Sushil Koirala that 'five to ten people' cannot 'sit in a room' and 'impose a Constitution' and called for greater inclusion in the process. ....... reiterated his earlier position that there must be the widest possible consultation as Nepal finalises its Constitution. ..... There is a realisation in the government that this has been a top driven process, which has not taken into account the views of diverse social and political groups on the ground. .......... "Five to ten people cannot sit in a room and write the constitution. All parties and forces should sit together. There must be greater dialogue." ...... "Five to ten people cannot sit in a room and write the constitution. All parties and forces should sit together. There must be greater dialogue." ..... Modi has reiterated that the 'political leadership of Nepal should resolve all outstanding issues through dialogue between all political parties and through the process of widest possible consultation, including with the public' and arrive at a solution which accommodated the 'aspirations of all citizens of a richly diverse society within a united, peaceful, stable and prosperous Nepal'.

Tuesday, July 14, 2015

प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित वडा अध्यक्ष छैन मस्यौदा मा

English: Tarai Grey Langur
English: Tarai Grey Langur (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित वडा अध्यक्ष छैन मस्यौदा मा भन्ने थाहा पाउने अन्तिम व्यक्ति म होला।

यो त अचम्मै भएन र भन्या?

वडा अध्यक्ष, मेयर, प्रदेश प्रमुख, प्रधान मंत्री ---- यी सब प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित गर्नु पर्छ।

अहिले को प्रस्तावमा प्रत्येक वडा बाट ५ जना छान्ने अनि गाउँ भरि बाट त्यसरी आएका ४६ जनाले प्रत्येक वडा को वडा अध्यक्ष छान्ने भनेको छ। भने पछि गाउँ स्तरमा एक दलीय व्यवस्था लागु गर्न खोजेको? मदन भंडारी कम्निस्ट मान्छे सुद्धा ले उहिले एक दलीय व्यवस्था छोडेको ---- कंस सिटौला लाई चाहिं एक दलीय व्यवस्था चाहिएको?

जिल्ला सभापति चाहिं त्यस जिल्ला को सबै वडा अध्यक्ष र मेयर, उप मेयर ले चुन्ने हो?

प्रत्येक वड़ा समान जनसंख्या को हुनुपर्ने भन्ने छ कि छैन? होइन भने जिल्ला सभा मा जहिले पनि शहर र महानगर लाई गाउँ ले थिचोमिचो गर्ने भो।

राजधानीमा मधेसी मोर्चाको प्रदर्शन
चार शीर्ष नेताले एकै मञ्चबाट भने - ‘साउन २० भित्र नयाँ संविधान’
‘मुलुक राजनीतिक सहमतिको दिशामा अघि बढिसक्यो,’ प्रधानमन्त्री सुशील कोइरालाले भने, ‘दुनियाँको कुनै शक्तिले पनि अब संविधान आउनबाट रोक्न सक्दैन।’ .... केपी शर्मा ओली ... अझै संविधान जारी हुन नदिने प्रपञ्च भइरहेको बताउँदै उनले भने, ‘संविधान जारी हुन नदिन अहिले पनि तुलसीको मोठमा पूजा भइरहेको छ, बरपीपल चौतारी पनि प्रयोग भइरहेका छन्।’ राष्ट्रिय एकता खल्बलिन नदिने उनले बताए। गिरिजाप्रसाद कोइरालालाई महान् नेताको संज्ञा दिँदै ओलीले उनको भूमिकाले नेपाली समाजलाई सकारात्मक दिशातर्फ उन्मुख गरेको उल्लेख गरे। ...... पुष्पकमल दाहालले पनि सबैको चित्त नबुझे पनि संविधान जारी भएरै छाड्ने दृढता व्यक्त गरे। ‘सहमतिमा हस्ताक्षर गरेका हामी कसैलाई पनि संविधानको मस्यौदा चित्त बुझदो छैन र हुँदैन पनि,’ उनले भने, ‘त्यसैले यो कुनै दल विशेषको नभएर जनताको संविधान हो।’ उनले आवश्यक परिमार्जन गरेर भए पनि सबैको भावना समेट्ने बताउँदै साउन २० भित्र जुनसुकै अवस्थामा संविधान जारी हुने बताए।
पश्चिमी संस्कारको प्रभावमा महिला अधिकारकर्मी : विद्या भण्डारी
'मदनले मेरो थर फेरिदिएको मलाई थाहा थिएन'
विद्या भण्डारीले वैवाहिक स्वतन्त्रता र नागरिकताको अधिकार फरक फरक विषय भए पनि पश्चिमी संस्कृतिको प्रभावमा बढी अधिकारको माग भइरहेको बताएकी छिन् । अनेरास्ववियु केन्द्रीय महिला विभागले राजधानीमा आयोजना गरेको ‘मस्यौदामा महिला हकसम्बन्धी थप्नुपर्ने विषयबारे छलफल’ मा बोल्दै भण्डारीले

नेपालमा जन्मेका नेपाली आमा र बाबुका सन्तानले वंशजको आधारमा नागरिकताको प्रमाणपत्र पाउनुपर्ने

धारणा राखिन् । मस्यौदा हेर्दा ‘जसले जे खोज्यो त्यही पाइने’ प्रकारको बनेको भन्दै सकारात्मक पक्ष हेर्न उनको आग्रह थियो । ..... ‘हामीले माने पनि नमाने पनि पूर्वीय संस्कार र संस्कृतिमा महिला पुरुषप्रति नै सम्पूर्ण रुपमा समर्पित हुन्छिन्, यो विभेदकारी व्यवस्था भए पनि समाज यसैगरी चलिआएको छ,’ भण्डारीले भनिन्, ‘म पाण्डे भए पनि मदन भण्डारीसँग बिहे भएपछि उहाँले नै फारममा भण्डारी भरिदिनुभएछ । पछि थाहा भयो । मैले पनि सोध्ने कुरा आएन । मेरो थरमात्रै होइन, गोत्र नै बदलियो ।’ ...... नागरिकतामा व्यक्तिगत हकसँगै राष्ट्रिय सार्वभौमिकताको विषय पनि जोडिएकाले संवेदनशील हुन भण्डारीले सबै पक्षलाई आग्रह गरिन् । महिलाको दृष्टिले हेर्दा नेपालमा अझै पूर्ण लोकतन्त्र आइनसकेको उनले आरोप लगाइन् । ‘नेपालमा पितृसत्तात्मक निरंकुशता छ, आर्थिक सामाजिक सांस्कृतिक मूल्य मान्यतामा त्यो झल्किन्छ,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘महिला हकका लागि हामीले संविधानसभाका समितिमा आवाज राखे पनि त्यसको सुनुवाई हुन अझै निरन्तर आन्दोलन गर्नुपर्ने देखिएको छ ।’ ...... कुनै पनि सन्तानको जन्म आमा वा बाबु एक्लैबाट नहुने, दुवैको ‘अपरिहार्य उपस्थिति’ ले हुने भन्दै भण्डारीले आमा वा बाबुको नामबाट नागरिकता लिने प्रसंगको आलोचना गरिन् । ‘हिजोआज एकल महिलाको कोणबाट पनि अधिकारका आवाज उठ्न थालेका छन्, तर हाम्रो समाज त्यहाँसम्म पुगिसकेको छैन,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘हामीले अन्तरिम संविधानमा वंशजको नागरिकताका लागि आमा वा बाबुमध्ये एक भए हुने नै भनेका हौं, एमालेलाई नागरिकताबारे अनुदार भएको भनी लागिरहेको आरोप उचित छैन ।’ ....... सय वर्षपछिको समाज कल्पना गरेर आज संविधान लेख्न नसकिने भन्दै भण्डारीले त्यो समयका लागि अर्को पुस्ताले अधिकार माग्ने तर्क गरिन् । ‘महिलाका लागि धेरै संवैधानिक व्यवस्था भएका छन्, तर महिला आन्दोलनकारीहरु यसो र उसो भन्दै कराइरहेका छन्,’ उनले भनिन्, ‘मलाई त्योचाहिँ मन परेको छैन ।’
Time for Modi to nudge Nepal on writing an inclusive constitution
A second agitation had broken out in the Tarai, led by the Madhesis, people who shared close kinship, ethnic and linguistic ties with those across the border in Bihar and UP and had been excluded from the Nepali power structure. The Tarai forces demanded immediate federalism and inclusion in political structures and security forces. ..... The government assured the Madhesis that the elected CA would determine the boundaries of the State and committed to creating an ‘autonomous Madhes province’. The Madhesis called off their protests. The CA elections were held, and the peace process reached an ‘irreversible point’. ....... While the draft stipulates that the country would have eight provinces, it leaves the key issue of federal demarcation to a future commission. This has sparked outrage not only amongst the Madhesis but also hill ethnic groups across party lines. Both groups view the current draft as a way to postpone, dilute and subvert federalism and maintain the political hegemony of the hill upper-caste groups. ........ Responding to a petition, the Supreme Court ordered that the CA had to determine the boundaries and names of provinces as stipulated by the interim constitution. But the big parties slammed the judiciary for overreach and went ahead with the draft. This has now triggered dissent even within parties like the Nepali Congress, with veterans like Pradeep Giri and members of PM Sushil Koirala’s own family like MP Shekhar Koirala arguing against defiance of the judiciary. ...... The draft also has citizenship provisions that institutionalise gender inequality and attacks the special India-Nepal relationship. A person can be a citizen by descent if only both his father and mother are Nepali citizens. Given the extent of cross-border marriages between India and Nepal — the ‘roti-beti’ relationship as Union external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj put it — this will directly impact children of those from the bordering regions. There are also restrictive clauses on citizenship by naturalisation. The provision that only those who are citizens by descent can hold high public office will once again impact many in the Tarai with Indian roots. All these provisions are born out of xenophobic nationalism and fear of Indian ‘demographic aggression’. ...... The absence of reliable and strong interlocutors on the Tarai side does not help. ...... Distilled to the basics, India’s core interests in Nepal are peace, stability and a friendly Kathmandu. While the current constitutional proposal may go through, it will deliver neither peace nor stability. ...... Nepal’s current fundamental political problem is that its State structure does not reflect its enormous social diversity — the draft constitution does little to address this issue of political exclusion and even aggravates it. ........ The Tarai will remain fertile ground for unrest — the perceived failure of moderate Madhesi forces is already strengthening a separatist strand in the region. The xenophobia that has driven citizenship clauses will erode the people-to-people relationship on the ground. ...... There is now domestic pressure to revise the draft. The issue of federal demarcation is not intractable and there are many voices — from the NC to Maoists to the dissenting Madhesi and Janjati MPs — who are pushing for a constitution with state boundaries. Tarai parties are willing to accept two provinces in the plains, with some districts merged with the hills as proposed by the establishment.
Missing the point
The preamble mentions the 2006 Jana Aandolan and the Maoist armed struggle but not the Madhes Movement. It was because of the Madhes Uprising of 2007 that the major political parties were compelled to incorporate federalism into the Interim Constitution. ........ Secularism is also missing from the preamble of the draft constitution. This principle guarantees citizens that the state is neutral in terms of religion. ...... the Interim Constitution mentions federalism in the definition of the state, but the draft constitution has omitted this word from the definition of the state ...... Articles 23 and 47 highlight the needs of the Khas Arya group, but under these very articles, the Khas have been mentioned ahead of the Madhesi and Muslim groups. Further, the drafters have not defined any other community apart from the Khas in Article 88. Does this mean that

the drafters who are all from the Khas Arya group

more concerned about their own community than the other marginalised communities? Further, if all the groups are included in the list of those who need affirmative action, then there would be no need for open competition. ....... Article 90 of the draft constitution states that all the provinces will elect five members to the Upper House of Parliament. The government will nominate five members. As there seems to be a tentative agreement among the politicians to have two provinces in the Madhes, this means there will only be 10 representatives from the region in the Upper House as opposed to 30 representatives from the hills. Since the Madhes has a higher population than the hills, this will affect the ability of Madhesis to make laws that are vital for their empowerment. So each province should have the right to elect at least one representative to the Upper House and the rest should be elected on the basis of the province’s population. The basis of the election to the Upper House is first-past-the-post (FPTP), not proportional. The electoral college includes the head of the local bodies, which is complicated. Similarly, the mixed system will reduce the inclusion of excluded groups including Dalits in the House of Representatives until a priority list and some special provisions of inclusiveness are adopted. Only one or two parties will control the local bodies since elections will be held according to the FPTP system as stated in Article 221(4)........ Article 282 says that only citizens by descent will be entitled to hold the post of president, vice-president, speaker, chair of the Rastriya Sabha, chief minister, speaker of the Provincial Assembly and chief of the security agencies. When a non-resident Nepali holds political positions in the UK, US or other overseas countries, Nepalis swell with pride. But the draft statute seems intent on not allowing naturalised citizens from enjoying their full rights. What kind of nationalism is this? Such harsh provisions did not even exist in the Panchayat constitution. It is against equality and human rights to categorise citizens into first class, second class and third class. Article 282 could also have adverse effects on cultural and marital relations between Nepalis and Indians. It could discourage Indians from establishing marital relations with Nepalis for fear of their relatives being categorised as second or third class citizens. Article 19 stipulates that non-resident Nepali citizenship can be granted to people of Nepali origin living in foreign countries other than Saarc countries. These people will not be entitled to enjoy their economic, social and cultural rights. But what does the term ‘Nepali origin’ mean? Will Madhesis fit into the definition of people of Nepali origin? ........ Article 280 (13) states that the delineation of the constituencies will be carried out in every 20 years in contradiction with Article 154 of the Interim Constitution. Article 63 (3) of the Interim Constitution states that the constituencies will be delineated every 10 years which is more practical and logical. ......... The draft constitution has not mentioned what authority will prepare the voters’ lists. ....... On the one hand, the major parties want to delay settling the federalism issue and do not want to commit themselves as to when they want to hold provincial elections. But on the other hand, they are in a hurry to hold local elections. ........ without settling the issue of federalism in the constitution, an election to the Upper House cannot be held. And without holding the election, Parliament cannot be constituted and laws cannot be enacted. In such a situation, how can the government function? Without settling the provincial boundaries, no one can move ahead. If the new constitution is promulgated without federalism, it will be a defunct document.

Sunday, June 28, 2015

भारतको बुहारी अथवा जवाईं नभएको एउटा मधेसी परिवार छैन

मधेसी लाई अनागरिक बनाउने राजनीतिक षड्यंत्र ले गर्दा देश टुट्छ
कि मधेसीले समानता पाउँछ कि देश टुट्छ

जसको घरमा देश बाहिर को न बुहारी न जवाईं छ, त्यस्ताले लेखेर हुन्छ नागरिकता मस्यौदा? भारतको बुहारी अथवा जवाईं नभएको एउटा पनि मधेसी परिवार छैन। We are one people, the political border be damned.

Nepal’s own ‘love jihad’ – the fear of Indians
my children – even if they wish to – cannot become Nepali citizens....... And that is because I married an Indian woman....... citizenship clauses which would have been considered anachronistic even in the last century. ........ The draft clearly states that only those whose father AND mother are Nepali citizens would be eligible to become Nepali citizens by descent. This is a reversal of the clause in Nepal’s interim constitution, promulgated in 2007, that a person whose father OR mother was Nepali could become a citizen by descent. ........ In formal terms, it means I cannot pass on a citizenship that I so cherish to my children........ It also means that a Nepali woman married to a foreign man cannot do so either........ In practical terms though, I may be able to get around this provision. Given the patriarchy entrenched in Nepal’s state apparatus, when I go to the District Administration Office, it is unlikely that the district officials will ask me about my wife’s citizenship – they will probably assume she is Nepali, and provide a stamp of state legitimacy to my child. ....... But when a Nepali woman approaches the same office, given the same prejudices and assumptions inherent in the official machinery, she will be asked to show the identity of her husband. And till she can prove the identity of her husband, or show the father of her child is Nepali, her child will not get citizenship. ........ At the root of these provisions is a fear of Indian men, of Indian ‘demographic aggression’.

Cross-border marriages are an integral feature of the India-Nepal special relationship – this is particularly true for Indian citizens who live in Bihar and UP, and the Madhesis of Nepal who live in the plains.

The draft constitution’s underlying logic is to keep out Indian men who would marry Nepali women and have children who could then become Nepalis. This, the Kathmandu establishment fears, could be a step to enhance Indian influence in Nepal. ......... a fear that reminds one of the manufactured ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theories in India where Hindutva activists have played up the threat of Muslim ‘demographic takeover’; Nepali ultra-nationalist activists have framed citizenship laws based on a similar fear of the Indian ‘takeover’. ....... Inequality is formally institutionalised in another category – citizenship by naturalization. ....... The draft constitution says that if a foreign woman is married to a Nepali man, she can get immediate citizenship as long as she gives up the citizenship of the country to which she originally belonged and is a resident in Nepal. But if a foreign man is married to a Nepali woman, he has to wait 15 years before he can become a Nepali citizen. ....... There was an earlier proposal to have both foreign men and women married to Nepali spouses wait for seven years before they could get citizenship. This sparked a major backlash from the Tarai based parties – they argued that given the extent of cross border marriages, and the fact that women usually moved to the homes of their husband, such a provision would make millions of Indian women married to Madhesi men stateless. ......... The proposal was withdrawn, but the provision of the 15 year waiting period in the case of the men stayed. This was deeply unfair to Nepali women. But it was again was driven by the same fear – that Indian men would marry Nepali women, would infiltrate Nepali politics and economy, and thus Nepal needed rigid citizenship laws which made naturalized citizenship difficult. ...... Nepal’s citizenship provisions are a product of chauvinistic nationalism and patriarchy. It will affect not just Nepalis but Indians with deep family links across the border; it is not just a ‘national’ matter but is directly linked to universal human rights and international conventions. And that is why it deserves far greater attention from the Indian civil society and intelligentsia since it has so far received.


Madhav Bhatta: his policy would not only affect the "Terai" population but also people in the Far-west (especially in Darchula, Baitadi, Kanchanpur) where cross-boarder marriages are common with Kumaoni folks in Utterakhand state in India. We (people from Mahakali and Seti) share social, cultural, and linguistic ties with Kumaonis in India similar to the people in Far-east Nepal share ties with those in Darjeeling and surrounding areas in India. We have Nepalis who have immigrated to Utterkhand but have ancestral ties to Nepal and marriages cross boarders happen everyday. I can think of many examples people who would be affected by this policy! I am sure the situation is similar for the far eastern hills as well? Where are Deuba and other political leaders from the far-west and what is their position on this issue and what are they doing about it? It affects the people they are supposed to be representing! Or have they been in Kathmandu for so long that they have forgotten the about the issues that matter to the people? ...... Someone please help me to reconcile this: how can a country be "progressive" enough recognize the third gender and at the same time deny citizenship rights to a child born to a Nepali mother?

Thursday, May 28, 2015

सीके राउत को कुन विचार सँग तपाइँ सहमत हुनु हुन्न?

English: Lord Mahavir, The Torch-bearer of Ahimsa
English: Lord Mahavir, The Torch-bearer of Ahimsa (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
सीके राउत को विचार सँग म सहमत छैन भन्ने हरु को लामो लाइन छ। त्यस पंक्ति मा राजेंद्र महर्जन र प्रशांत झा पनि उभिए छन। त्यो लामो लाइन मा बसेका हरु लाई म सोध्न चाहन्छु ---- तपाइँ सीके राउत को कुन विचार सँग सहमत हुनुहुन्न?

सीके को सबै भन्दा ठुलो विचार हो अहिंसा। गांधी, मंडेला, बुद्ध ले देखाएको अहिंसा को बाटो मा हिँडेको मान्छे सीके। तपाइँ उसको अहिंसाको विचार प्रति असहमत हुनुहुन्छ कि? उसले पनि गोइत ले जस्तै बन्दुक उठाउ भन्ने तपाइँ को सुझाव हो कि?

सीके को अर्को विचार हो सामाजिक न्याय। नेपालका सबै नागरिकले देशमा समानता को अनुभूति गर्न पाउनु पर्छ। नेपालमा मधेसी लाई समानता चाहिन्छ। तपाई उसको त्यो विचार सँग असहमत हुनु हुन्छ कि? नेपालमा मधेसीले समानता पाउने हो भने नेपाल नेपाल नै रहँदैन भन्न खोज्नु भएको हो कि तपाईंले?

सीके का प्रमुख दुई विचार यिनै हुन मेरो बुझाइ मा।

रह्यो टैक्टिस को कुरा। नेपालमा संघीयता देशको संविधानले भनेको छ। नेपालमा स्वायत्त मधेस प्रदेश देशको संविधानले भनेको छ। सीके त्यो दुबै कुराको विरोधी होइन। सीके ती दुबै चाहने मान्छे हो। सीके ले नेपालमा संघीयता चाहेको छ। स्वायत्त मधेस प्रदेश चाहेको छ। तपाइँ चाहीं देशको संविधान विरोधी हो कि? असहमति के पर्यो?

नेपालमा संघीयता संस्थागत भए पछि राज्य (स्टेट) मा मधेसी हरुको समानुपातिक सहभागिता आउनु पर्ने भो। नेपाल सेनामा ५०,००० मधेसी भर्ना गर्नु पर्ने भो। मधेस राज्य को प्रहरी मधेसी हुने भो। देशको प्रशासन मा मधेसी तल देखि माथि मोटामोटी ४०% देखिनु पर्ने भो। भारत को राजदुत पहाड़ी हुन्छ भने अमेरिका को राजदुत मधेसी हुनु पर्यो। भारत को राजदुत मधेसी हुन्छ भने अमेरिका को राजदुत पहाड़ी हुनु पर्यो। प्रधान मंत्री पहाड़ी हुन्छ भने सभामुख मधेसी हुनु पर्यो। प्रधान मंत्री मधेसी हुन्छ भने सभामुख पहाड़ी  हुनु पर्यो। रातारात नहोला, लागला ५ वर्ष। तर ५ वर्ष पर्याप्त समय हो।

तर नेपालमा संघीयता आए पनि, स्वायत्त मधेस प्रदेश संस्थागत भए पनि, ५ -७ वर्ष बिते पनि मधेसी हरुको अवस्था जस्ता तस्तै रह्यो भने नया औषधि खोज्नु परेन? अनि मधेस रेफेरेंडम मा जान्छ। बहुमत का आधारमा मधेस अलग देश बनने तिर लाग्छ। यो सीके को विचार हो? तपाइँ उसको यो विचार सँग असहमत हो कि? हो भने त्यसै रेफेरेंडम मा तपाइँ पनि जनता को मा जाने। जनता लाई सीके लाई वोट नदेउ भनेर सुझाव दिने, अनुनय विनय गर्ने। Happy now?

सीके राउत को कुन विचार सँग तपाइँ सहमत हुनु हुन्न? स्पष्ट पारि दिनु हुन्छ कि?