Sunday, November 01, 2015

In The News (1)



Life in Bettiah: The dynamics of new urban Bihar
Dhir said there had been a surge in migration to the town from adjacent rural areas in the past two decades. “There are 30-32 colonies where people have settled from different rural pockets.” ..... “People sell land they have in the village. There is also out-migration in large numbers. So, remittances play a big role in driving the consumption. From auto drivers in Delhi to laborers in Punjab and Haryana, just ask people and you will find many are from Champaran. ...... There is also a parallel crime economy. Many who made money during Lalu Prasad’s years channeled money into ‘white’ by investing in houses and cleaner businesses during Nitish’s years. ...... there is, of course, deep poverty but there is also money; there is circulation of wealth in the local setting. But this wealth is not being generated locally on a big scale. Can this be sustained? ..... Marwaris constitute a big community in the town, and number around 15,000-20,000. This is the traditional base of the BJP, and this is a region where the BJP is supposed to score and make up for perceived losses in the early phases. ..... the current rate was Rs 5-10 lakh per dhur, which would measure to about 68 square feet. ..... “Bania vote to 100% wahin jayega” (100% of the Bania votes will go to the BJP). .... BJP has worked hard to break its image of a Brahman-Bania party ..... He explained that the government schools in Bihar had been a big failure because the quantitative surge in admissions had been accompanied by a big qualitative dip in education. Many private schools in the area now charge up to Rs 1100 per month; a class often has close to 60 students; and each batch has different sections – all of which indicates a growing demand for private education. Edwin says almost 100 students from his school go to Kota for private coaching for entrance exams every year. ...... Edwin was more vocal and said he wanted Nitish Kumar back as the CM. “You compare Bihar now and ten years ago. There is no better CM candidate than Nitish Kumar. He has a clean image, he is the face of the state, and he has changed mindsets.

Modi is not going to run the state, will he?”

....... “We feel proud of Nitish, but somewhere he has become proud.” ..... Bihar remains the most rural of India’s big states. According to the latest socio-economic caste census, 90% of the state is rural. But the neat urban-rural breakdown is a thing of the past, with greater movement and connectivity.
Bihar polls: Now, grand alliance looks to dent NDA in phase 4
the NDA hopes to maintain the momentum that let it sweep 53 of 55 assembly segments in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. .... the RJD, contesting 26 seats, admits the region is not its traditional strong point. ..... Even grand alliance parties are worried about a poor show in this round. “This one belongs to the BJP. ..... The RJD was runners up in 33 of 55 seats in 2010 elections
Dismissing the protesters in Nepal as Delhi’s puppets will prove harmful for Nepal
By blaming the blockade on Delhi, Nepal is ignoring the genuine demands for federalism from its own citizens.
From the protesters point of view, the blockade was a means to put pressure on Kathmandu, but has resulted in diverting attention away from the movement in Terai to New Delhi -- something the nationalist pundits in Nepal are keen to do because that way they can continue to ignore the Madhesis and Tharus in the street. Instead of dialogue, the focus now is on how to get fuel from China ...... The protesters, annoyed by the attention being shifted to leaders in Kathmandu and Delhi, warn of total shutdown to “run Kathmandu dry” until their demands are met. While Kathmandu is witnessing a rise in anti-India sentiment, anti-China rhetoric has gone up among the Madhesis who see Chinese help to ease the fuel crisis hindering their pressure tactic. ..... The crisis in Nepal is getting messier by the week, and the lack of progress in talks means

it could last a long time

. ...... Today, together with the mostly original inhabitants, the Tharus and the Madhesis – many of whose lands were dispossessed by settlers backed by Kathmandu – the Terai hosts half of Nepal’s population. ...... But the changes the Madhesis and Tharus want requires a constitutional amendment – something the new coalition of monarchists and communist that came to power after the Constitution came into force is reluctant to effect. ..... Egged on by the nationalist pundits, rulers in Kathmandu are thus pushing Nepali citizens, particularly Madhesis and the indigenous, into New Delhi’s arms, because they refuse to share power with them in the true spirit of federalism. For Kathmandu’s pundits, who have benefited the most by their proximity to a centralised state, the protests in the plains are India’s doing. Their fellow citizens, out in the streets for months, are stereotyped as Delhi’s puppets. ......

the pundits are pre-occupied with one thing only: how to shame India for the blockade

..... There is a great reluctance to admit that whether or not Delhi supports Madhesis or Tharus, they have genuine grievances that need to be reconciled. ...... More Madhesi youth than ever are drawn towards the separatist strand in Madhesi politics whose current figurehead is CK Raut, a Cambridge-educated scientist under house arrest since April. Tactics to co-opt, or tire out the movement will increase their alienation. .....

It took 19 days of mass protests to bring down the King’s rule in Kathmandu. The 70 days of popular movement in the Terai-Madhes led by Madhesis and Tharus are yet to make Kathmandu bend and reform.

Nonetheless, this movement marks a milestone in Nepali politics. If they succeed, the protesters will redefine the idea of Nepali nationalism to include Madhesi and Tharu imaginations of a federal country. If they fail, Nepali regime will become even more rigid, and will further isolate itself in the world.
Overcoming the stasis in Nepal
However, for the Madhesis, the Janajatis and the Tharus, who have traditionally been the disadvantaged groups, there was a sense of betrayal. ..... The Indian policy of overtly backing the demands of the Madhesis led to an upsurge of Nepali nationalism, coupled with anti-Indianism. Movement of goods, including essentials like petroleum products, came to a halt. The Indian government blamed the deteriorating law and order situation while Nepalis accused India of imposing a blockade. ..... It is time that all sides — the Nepali government and its political leadership, the agitating Madhesis and the Indian government — climb down from their stated positions, eschew rhetoric and open dialogue to resolve issues. ......

the 2015 Constitution is unique as it establishes Nepal as a ‘federal republic’ for the first time

..... Mr. Oli is both a pragmatic and decisive leader who was seen as an effective Home Minister earlier and a shrewd Foreign Minister later, tenures during which he built a good relationship with New Delhi.

Having started his political career in the 1970s as a Naxalite

and having spent 14 years in jail, he emerged in the 1990s as a promising UML leader, committed to multi-party democracy, though he is now perceived as moving more to the Right. ......... Meanwhile, the situation in the Terai has worsened. Economic activity has been at a standstill for more than two months. With factories closed, schools and colleges shut, hospitals running short of supplies and acute shortages of petrol, diesel and cooking gas forcing people to use firewood and clean up their old bicycles, this has been one of the bleakest festival seasons that Nepalis have endured.

Madhesis have, meanwhile, geared up for the long haul.

The fact that they have been able to sustain the agitation despite being the worst-affected, without any coercive apparatus, speaks volumes about their accumulated resentment. ....... Terai constitutes 51 per cent of the population but according to calculations, it would currently get only 62 out of a total of 165 seats under the first past the post system, instead of 83, as per its population. ...... Citizenship has long been an emotive issue among the Madhesis as they often marry Indians from the northern districts of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh and spouses of Nepali citizens become ‘naturalised Nepali citizens’. .....

As often happens when internal politics in Nepal gets polarised, India becomes a convenient scapegoat.

..... Meanwhile, Mr. Oli is being egged on to play the China card. The grant of a 1000 metric tonnes (MT) of petroleum products by China may resonate well with Nepali nationalists momentarily but Mr. Oli knows that it is

not a substitute for over a hundred tankers a day from India which used to get transported through Birgunj everyday

. ....... Just as India has to be supportive of legitimate Madhesi aspirations, the Nepali elite has to come to terms with the fact every agitating Nepali political group, from the Nepali Congress (NC) in the 1950s to the Maoists in the 1990s, has taken advantage of 1800 km-long India-Nepal open border for refuge in India and to seek intervention on their behalf. ....... While the focus has been on the Madhesi agitation, the Janajati demands are no different. Unlike the Madhesis who shun arms,

the Janajatis are used to fighting and formed a major chunk of the Maoist cadres.

A Janajati agitation could throw Nepal into a convulsion as they are geographically widespread.
पहाडी शासकले मधेसलाई सधै धोका दिएको छ : बाबुराम भट्टराई
उनले मधेसका मुद्दालाई सम्बोधन गर्नका लागि संविधान जारी गर्नुभन्दा पहिले पनि आफूले धेरै पहल गरेको तर, तीनै दलका शीर्ष नेताहरुलाई पटकपटक आग्रह गर्दा पनि कसैले कुरा नसुनेको गुनासो गरे ।संविधानमा मतदानअघि नै मधेससँग वार्ता गरेर समाधान खोज्न पार्टी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डलार्इ अनुरोध गरे पनि नमानेको उनको आरोप छ ।
राज्यका सबै पद गुमेपछि कांग्रेसमा रुवावासी
कोइरालाको पारिवारिक शासन अन्त्य हुँदै
अमरेश सिंहले कोइरालालाई शीतलनिवासमा पेस्तोल ताकेको बताइन्छ .... राष्ट्रपति रहेका डा. यादवले त पौडेललाई बोलाएर सभापति बनाइदिने भन्दै तत्कालका लागि कोइरालालाई प्रधानमन्त्री बनाउन अर्ती दिएका थिए । ..... कांग्रेसमा यसपटक कसैले बाजी मारेको छ भने त्यो देउवाले नै हो । उनी आगामी महाधिवेशनमा विना रोकतोक कांग्रेस सभापति बन्दैछन् । संविधानसभाको दोस्रो निर्वाचनपछि राज्यका सबै निकायमा कांग्रेसीकरण गरेको कांग्रेस एमाले, माओवादी गठबन्धनपछि कर्नरमा धकेलिएको मात्रै छैन, राजनीतिक परिदृश्यमा ठूलो पार्टी भएर पनि नराम्ररी पछारिएको छ ।
India exposed
The liberal rhetoric projected ideas of justice and equality between nations but in practice the colonial hangover remained strong. ..... The unofficial blockade India has imposed on Nepal is most visible at Birgunj, the entry point for over 50 percent of Nepal's imports. Protestors staged a dharna in the no-man's land between the two countries. When the Nepali police wanted to evict them, the protestors ran towards India and then start throwing stones on the police on the Nepali side. Amazingly, the Indian security forces watched this whole show quietly and thus encouraged the agitators. It provides excuse to India to stop supplying petroleum products since there is 'no security' in Nepal. Naturally, the shortage of fuel and raw material has continued to get worse. Hundreds of factories have been closed and thousands of laborers rendered jobless. ...... Commercial farming that was gaining momentum in different parts of the country has been badly hurt because inputs are in short supply and motorized transport is not easily available due to lack of diesel. Development works have come to a standstill. It is reported that death rate in hospitals has increased in the absence of gas, diesel and life-saving drugs.

The national economy battered by a devastating earthquake only a few months ago is facing a much bigger crisis today.

...... Apart from India,

China, with an economy over three times the size of India, is another emerging regional great power.

China is already a global force to reckon with. In South Asia, this is reflected in the dramatic rise in Chinese trade and investment in all countries including India. ....... As a nation that remained independent when most of Asia was under the yoke of colonialism Nepal will not surrender its right to make its own decisions based on democratic legitimacy and dialogue with all national stakeholders.
आन्दोलन अर्कै दिशामा जान सक्छ : खगेन्द्र संग्रौला
उनले आन्दोलनलाई कुनै पनि हालतमा रोक्न नहुनेमा जोड् दिदैं शाषकवर्गले मधेशीलाई दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिक सम्झेकै कारण आन्दोलन चर्किएको बताए । उनले आन्दोलनलाई सम्बोधन गर्न सरकारले ढिलो गरिरहेको बताउँदै यो आन्दोलनले अर्कै बाटो समेत लिन सक्ने बताए ।

‘जारी आन्दोलनले कुन बाटो लिन सक्छ मसँग नसोध्नुस’ उनले भने, “यो कुरा सिके राउतसँग सोध्दा हुन्छ ।”

मधेशी जनतालाई सधैं हेपिएर शाषकवर्गले देख्ने गरेको बताउँदै उनले आन्दोलनलाई अझै सशक्त बनाउँदै लग्नुपर्नेमा जोड् दिए ।
वहिष्करणको वैधानिकता निर्माण
आत्तिने, पात्तिने र मात्तिने उद्दण्ड निम्नमध्यम वर्ग (लुम्फेन बुर्जुर्वा को चरित्र हो । सामान्यजन त सहन्छन्, तिनको सहनशीलतालाई आफूखसी अथ्र्याएर स्थायी सत्ताले आफ्नो निरन्तरता कायम राख्ने गर्छ । उच्च वर्गको रमाइलो त सधैँ रही नै रहन्छ । ...... ७० दिनभन्दा बढी भइसक्यो, मधेस आन्दोलित छ । कलकारखाना बन्द छन् । व्यापार ठप्प छ । यातायात चलेका छैनन् । विद्यालय खुलेका छैनन् । भन्सार नाकाहरूमा राजस्व संकलन हुन सकेको छैन । ऋणिहरूले बैंकको किस्ता त के ब्याजसमेत तिर्न सकिरहेका छैनन् । गोरखा भुइँचालोले ६ महिना पूरा गरिसकेको छ । तत्काल राहतबाहेक प्रभावित जनताले अरु कुनै सहायता पाउन सकेका छैनन् । यस आर्थिक वर्षमा पुँजीगत लगानी भएकै छैनभन्दा हुन्छ । चारैतिर धुप्प अँध्यारोबाहेक केही देखिँदैन । .....

राजधानीमा भने चिनियाँ पेट्रोलको चर्चा छ ।

.... अमेरिका स्वर्ग हो भन्ने धारणा बनाएर घरखेत बेचेर भए पनि दलालमार्फत् मेक्सिको पुग्ने वा मिर्गौला बेचेको पैसाले कमाइका लागि मलेसिया उड्नेहरूले सामान्यतः सुनेकै भरमा कठिन निर्णय लिएका हुन्छन् । अन्य बाध्यताको भूमिका हुँदै नभएको होइन, तर स्थायी सत्ताले उडन्ते कुरा पनि पत्याइहाल्ने उनिमव प्रवृत्तिलाई आफ्नो हित संरक्षण एवं प्रवद्र्धनका लागि सजिलैसित प्रयोग गर्ने गरेको छ । ...... आफ्नो आङको भैँसीबाट अर्काको जुम्रातिर ध्यान मोड्ने प्रवृत्तिलाई ह्वाटअबाउटिज्म (अनि त्यो के नि !) नाम दिइयो । बहसको मुद्दालाई गौण ठह¥याउन ससम्बन्धित वा अमूर्त विषयलाई उठान गर्ने विधिलाई पनि ह्वाटअबाउटरी (अनि त्यो पनि) भन्ने चलन सुरु भयो । हठधर्मिता, दम्भ एवं बेवास्ता दर्शाउने सोह्वाटिज्म (अनि के त !) उतिसारो चलनमा नआए पनि त्यसको सान्दर्भिकता अपवर्तक तर्कका रूपमा अद्यापि कायम छ । यी सबै विधि प्रयोग गरेर मधेसीहरूको वहिष्करणको वैधानिकता निर्माण गर्ने प्रयत्न सार्वजनिक वृत्तमा स्पष्टसँग महसुस गर्न सकिन्छ । ....... यादव, महतो एवं चौधरीजस्ता थरधारी सम्पन्न हुन सक्छन्, तर 'ठूला' भनिने जातका होइनन् । शुक्ला एवं त्रिपाठीबाहेक मधेसवादी दलमा 'ठालू' नेतृत्व भेट्टाउनसमेत गाह्रो छ । एकल जातीय नेतृत्वको अभ्यास गर्ने पहाडी बर्चस्वका राष्ट्रिय भनिने दलहरूका तुलनामा मधेसवादीहरू नै बरु समावेशी छन् । ..... प्रदर्शनका लागि प्रतिभाशाली महिला राजनीतिकर्मीहरू राष्ट्रिय भनिने दलहरूबाट टिपिन्छन् । त्यता पनि तिनको अन्तर्निहित प्रतिभा प्रस्फुटन हुन पाउँदैन । ......

वहिष्कृतको आन्दोलनले सफलता पाउँदा स्थायी सत्तासँग निकट रहेका आन्दोलनकारी समुदायका व्यक्तिले सबैभन्दा बढी फाइदा पाउने

हुनाले 'अनि के त !' तर्कले वैधानिकता पाउँछ । ....... भारतको स्वाधीनता आन्दोलनलाई निषिद्ध ठह¥याउन बेलायतीहरू विभिन्न तर्क तेस्र्याउने गर्थे । भारतीय समाज धर्म, जातपात, छुत–अछुत, वर्ण–अवर्ण एवं धनी–गरिबमा विभाजित छ । सचेत मध्यम वर्ग त्यहाँ छैन । राज्यसत्ता सञ्चालन गर्न सक्ने भारतीय विज्ञ छैनन् । यस्तो अवस्थामा बेलायतले छाडेर जाने हो भने भारतीय एकापसमा काटामार गरेरै सिद्दिन्छन् । त्यस्ता तर्ककको जवाफ सम्भव थिएन । अनि महात्मा गान्धीले आजित भएर मे १९४२ मा केवल एक वाक्य प्रस्तुत गरे– 'भारतलाई ईश्वरको भरमा छोड, त्यो पनि सम्भव छैन भने अराजकताकै जिम्मा लगाइदेऊ ।' ........ यथार्थ हो, राष्ट्रियरूपमा स्थापित एउटै पनि मधेसी अर्थविद् छैनन् । थारू संविधान विज्ञमध्ये नाम चलेका कोही छैनन् । मुसलमान समाजशास्त्रीको पहिचान गर्न गाह्रो छ । मधेस एवं थरूहटले स्वायत्त प्रदेश चलाउन केही 'उच्च' भनिने जातिका व्यक्तिको भर पर्नुको विकल्प कमसेकम प्रारम्भिक अवस्थामा छैन । त्यो समस्या मधेसको मात्र नभएर पहाडको पनि हो । ...... प्रदेश निर्माण समानताका लागि गरिनुपर्ने संघर्षहरूको अन्त्य नभएर सुरुवातमात्रै हो । पहिले त सम्मानको मागसमेत वर्जित हुने अवस्थाबाट मुक्ति चाहिएको हो । दयामायाले गुजारा त कमारा–कमारीको पनि चल्ने नै गथ्र्यो । पहिचान दासहरूको पनि हुन्छ । सम्मान स्थापित गर्ने बाटो राजनीतिकबाहेक अरु कुनै हुन सक्दैन । ...... बहुजन समाज पार्टीका प्रेस कन्फरेन्सहरूको त सुरुवात नै काशीरामले सवर्ण पत्रकारलाई कोठाबाहिर जाने अनुरोधबाट गर्ने गर्थे । ....... नेपाली कांग्रेस कुनै बेला 'अराष्ट्रिय तŒव' थियो । मालेहरू टाउको गिँड्दै हिँड्ने अपराधी थिए । माओवादीहरूको नाममा जारी गरिएका अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय 'रेड कर्नर नोटिस' फिर्ता लिएपछि तिनले दुई–दुई पटक सरकारको नेतृत्व गरे ।
3 reasons why you should pay attention to Nepal's first female president
मधेश आन्दोलनलाई अझ सशक्त र निर्णायक बनाउनुपर्ने : लेखक संग्रौला
मंगनीमें मरलबाटे

वैशाख १२ को भुइँचालोले हल्लाउन नसकेको काठमाडौं उपत्यकाको मनस्थिति अघोषित नाकाबन्दीले विक्षुव्ध बनाइदिएको छ।

गाडीको चापले निरन्तर थिलथिलो हुने सडकहरू अकस्मात सुनसान बनेका छन्। परिवेशमा ग्यास र इन्धनको हाहाकार छ। पल–प्रतिपलका हिसाबले उकालो चढ्दै गरेको महँगीले गृहिणीहरू मुर्मुरिएका छन्। विषम स्थितिलाई लक्षित गर्दै सामाजिक सञ्जालका प्रयोगकर्ताहरू सरकार, मधेस, भारत, संघीयता लगायत सबै सम्बन्धित पक्षका विरुद्ध स्वयंले वर्जित मानेका ती सबै अपशव्दको उच्चारण गर्दैछन्, जसको प्रयोग मानिसको मनस्थिति विचलित भएका बेला अनायास नै हुने गर्छ। सामाजिक सञ्जालका अभिव्यक्तिहरू नितान्त व्यक्तिगत धारणा हुन्। त्यसको प्रभाव सीमित नै हुन्छ। तर व्यक्तिगत धारणाहरूसमेत समेटेर सामूहिक रूपमा शिष्टताका साथ समाचार र विचार प्रस्तुत गर्दै आएका सञ्चार माध्यमहरूसमेत नाकाबन्दीको मारमा परेर बरालिन थालेका छन्।

सरकार जनतामाझ कतै सक्रिय देखिएको छैन। लाभका विशिष्ट संवैधानिक पदहरूमा निर्वाचन गराएर संविधान जारी र सक्रिय भएको आभाश पाउन खोज्दैछ। उसले मधेसको आन्दोलन देखेको छैन। मधेसका नेताहरूसँग वार्ता गर्न खासै जाँगर पनि चलाएको छैन।

देशको एक-एक दिन खेर गइरहेको अवस्थामा मधेसीसँगको वार्ता अदालती तारिखको शैलीमा घिस्रिरहेको स्पष्ट देखिन्छ। यसले गर्दा संविधान पराजित भएको पनि सरकारले बुझेको छैन। ...... संघीय सीमांकनमा फितलो निर्णय गरिसकेपछि आफूलाई सही सावित गर्ने धुनमा नेताहरूले जस्तो झुठ बोले, त्यसको परिणाम अहिले जनताले भोग्नुपरेको छ। .....

मधेसका नाममा अहिले जति राष्ट्रियता र राष्ट्रिय स्वाभिमानको राजनीतीकरण गरिएको छ, त्यति यसअघि कहिल्यै देखिएको थिएन।

अनुदार सत्ताले, त्यो राजाको होस् वा लोकतन्त्रको पुच्छर समातेर वैतरणी तर्न लागेका कम्युनिष्टहरूको होस् वा धर्मको नाममा राजनीति गर्ने दक्षिणपन्थीहरूको होस्, जहिलेसुकै राष्ट्रियतालाई राजनीतिक हतियारको रूपमा प्रयोग गर्ने गरेको छ। ...... राजनीतिक नेताहरूले यो तथ्यलाई बिर्सन चाहेका छन्– मधेस नेपालको अविभाज्य अंग हो। न यो कुनै मुलुकबाट जितिएको उपनिवेश हो, नत यो कसैले गोर्खाली राजालाई बकसमा दिएको भूभाग नै हो। नेपाल बनेदेखि अहिलेसम्म मधेस तराई जहाँ थियो, त्यहीं अविचलित रूपमा छ। त्यही बेलादेखि कायम रहेको मधेसलाई दबाएर, थिचोमिचो गरेर शासन गर्ने केन्द्रीय सत्ताको प्रवृत्ति पहिले जे थियो, अहिलेसम्म त्यही छ। मधेसको सपाट धर्तीमा नेपाली लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनका धेरै अश्वारोहीहरूले दौड लगाए। धेरै अश्वारोहीहरू राजनीतिको शिखरमा धुरन्धर राजनीतिज्ञका रूपमा स्थापित भए। तर ती कसैले पनि मधेसको योगदान र महत्त्व सम्झिन सकेनन्। सनातनदेखि केन्द्रमा जम्दै आएका खानदानी राज्य–सञ्चालकहरूले मधेस र पहाडका कुलीनहरूलाई साथ लिएर सधैंं मधेसका सामान्य जनताको शोषण गरे। मधेस रेलवे प्लेटफर्मको तहबाट कहिल्यै माथि उठन सकेन। ..... कलैया–गौर धुले सडकको वाजेपट्टी (अमरपट्टी) मा भेटिएका राम एकवाल साह खेत र आन्दोलन दुवै काम सँगसँगै भ्याइरहेका छन्।

विकासका मामिलामा तराई–मधेस राणाकालदेखि यथास्थितिमा रहेको

यथार्थले उनलाई निकै भावुक बनाएको छ। प्रश्न उनको होइन, उनको सन्तानको हो। खेती–किसानीबाट हातमुख जोडन धौधौ छ। पैसा भएन भने नोकरी पनि लाग्दैन। भन्छन्, हामी त ‘मंगनीमें मरलबाटे।’ ..... यस पटक हामीले कांग्रेस–एमालेलाई जितायौं। अहिले मधेसले अधिकार नपाएपछि पछुताएका छौं। ..... मधेस आन्दोलनको ‘इपिसेन्टर’ नेपाल–भारत व्यापारिक र आवागमन नाकाको दसगजा भए पनि यसको सन्देश हरेक नागरिकको मन–मनमा घुसेको छ। मधेसका जनता यसपटक परिणामविहीन आन्दोलनका पक्षमा छैनन्। ...... जनकपुर र जलेश्वरको सहज प्रवेशद्वारका रूपमा चिनिने भिट्टामोड नाका व्यवसायिकभन्दा पनि राजनीतिक नाकाका रूपमा चिनिन्छ। अन्धकार कालमा देश र मधेसमा भएका आन्दोलनका नेता–कार्यकर्ताहरूको सुगम प्रवेशका लागि चर्चित यो नाका अहिले ‘बन्द’ होइन, ‘जाम’ छ। आन्दोलनकारीहरूको रमाइलो भनाइ छ, हामीले नाकाबन्द गरेका छैनौं, जाम गरिदिएका छौं।

नाकाजाममा ५०० कार्यकर्ताको निरन्तर सहभागिता छ। प्रत्येक दिन गाउँ–गाउँबाट आएका ३ देखि ५ हजार व्यक्ति नाकाजाममा सहभागी हुने गरेका छन्।

..... नाकाबन्दीले काठमाडौं उपत्यकाको मात्रै होइन, मधेसको जीवन पनि अस्तव्यस्त बनाएको छ।
Handle with care
In every ten years since the 1950s, Nepal has witnessed a major political movement. The Madhes, however, is an exception. In the last decade, there were two political movements in the Tarai while the third one is currently underway.
अब मधेसले जनमत संग्रहको माग गर्छः राउत
सरकारले भूमिका खेल्न नसकेको भन्दै

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At the end of it all, the BJP just might get defeated by two sources of protein – dal and beef.

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a national alternative to the BJP constituted by regional leaders is fast evolving

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