A "Solution" That Is No Solution At All

BACK TO THE PEOPLE
Ward-level referendums in disputed districts could be a pragmatic way to resolve demarcation issue
The starkest sticking point at the present is the issue of demarcation of state boundaries, especially Province 2 and 7 with implications for bordering provinces. This piece argues that conducting a ward-level referendum in the disputed communities of Kailali, Morang and Sunsari districts is a much more pragmatic and legitimate option than power-brokering attempts that have not worked until now, and are unlikely to work in the future....... When representative democracy faces trouble, the way out is not doing away with it altogether, but taking it further towards direct democracy, as the Greeks did in ancient times, and as the Swiss are currently practicing. ..... we know that the most pressing problems are in Kailali district in western Tarai, and Morang and Sunsari districts in eastern Tarai. In Kailali, many Tharus want to be included in the proposed Province 5, and not in 7. Many Pahadis want the entire Kailali district to be part of Province 7. In Sunsari and Morang districts, some Madhesis want to be part of Province 2, while others, mostly Pahadis, but seemingly also some Madhesis, are opposed to it....... Although Madehsi parties have demanded that Jhapa be included in Province 2, and Tharu activists are demanding the inclusion of Kanchanpur in Province 5, the Pahadi-majority ethno-demographies of these two districts, at least in large parts of them, will limit the grassroots potency of such claims. One way mulled by Madehsi and Tharu activists seem to be to force the national parties, with Indian-backing or threats of violence in their core areas, to concede to such demands. However, local dynamics suggest that any such decision might incite violent reactions in these two districts that may then spread to other parts. ......

every ward in the disputed districts should be given the right to decide which province it wants to be included in

..... A community which feels culturally closer to another province, but is too far away from it with swathes of other communities in between, can be helped to find other means to get their rights, hopes and nostalgia recognised and respected. A good democracy is as much about majority rule as about minority protection. This will be the case for isolated Madhesi and Tharu communities in the disputed districts, as well as for all such isolated community pockets everywhere else in Nepal...... The referendums can be made demand-driven to avoid introducing problems in areas forcefully where local people do not see them. This means, practically, allowing referendums in only those VDCs or wards from where, a certain proportion of registered voters, say 25 or 30 percent, submit a petition to the Election Commission.

पहिलो कुरा त संघीयता र समावेशीता लोकतंत्र, मानव अधिकार र गणतंत्र जस्ता सिद्धांत हुन। सिद्धांत ले क्रांति गर्छ र विजय प्राप्त गर्छ। नेपालमै पनि सिद्धांत कहिले जनमत संग्रह मा गएको छ? २०४६ मा कुन जिल्ला बहुदलमा जाने कुन निर्दलमा बस्ने भनेर जनमत संग्रह भएको हो?

दोस्रो कुरा गणतंत्र मा जाँदा राजा को कुन नाता कुटुंब को चित्त दुख्यो, कुनको दुखेन भनेर सर्वेक्षण गरिएको हो? चित्त दुखेका हरु लाई भत्ता को व्यवस्था गरिएको हो? थामथुम पारिएको हो? संघीयता र समावेशीता खस समुदाय का लागि आएको हुँदै होइन, खस समुदाय का कारणले आएको हो। खस को चित्त नदुखाउने गरी सीमांकन गर्ने आईडिया कहाँ बाट आयो? मलाई त केही छैन तर मेरो फुफुले मानेको छैन त्यसकारण गणतंत्र मिल्दैन भन्दै ज्ञानेन्द्रले लिडे ढिपी गरेका हुन? केंद्र सरकारमा ३०% जनसंख्या रहेको खस, अझ ७% जनसंख्या रहेको बाहुन पुरुष को ९०% उपस्थिति ले मर्का पार्यो भनेर न संघीयता र समावेशीता मा गईएको हो? भने पछि आरक्षण मा खस को लागि ठाउँ बन्दैन। बन्यो, बेइमानी भयो. त्यो हटाउनु पर्यो। संघीयता को सीमांकन र नामांकन मा खस लाई के पाइक पर्छ के पाइक पर्दैन भन्ने सोच्ने कुरा आउँदैन। एक मधेस दो प्रदेश मधेसी र थारु का लागि चाहिएको हो। झापा, मोरंग, सुनसरी, चितवन, कैलाली, कंचनपुर का खस को केंद्र स्तरमा चाहिने भन्दा बढ़ी प्रतिनिधित्व छ। संघीयता मा केंद्र सरकार अझ निकै बलियो नै रहन्छ। झापा, मोरंग, सुनसरी, चितवन, कैलाली, कंचनपुर का खस को प्रदेश सरकार मा एक व्यक्ति एक मत सहभागिता कसैले खोसेर लाँदैन। झापा, मोरंग, सुनसरी, चितवन, कैलाली, कंचनपुर का खस को स्थानीय सरकार मा एक व्यक्ति एक मत सहभागिता कसैले खोसेर लाँदैन।

तेस्रो, अरु कुनै समुदाय बारे यति सार्हो चिंता छैन। मगर लाई कुन राज्यमा बस्ने भनेर सोध्ने आईडिया प्रस्तुत गरिएको छैन। मगर र खस बीच यति सार्हो भेदभाव किन? त्यही भेदभाव हुने गरेकोले नै संघीयता र समावेशीता चाहिएको हो।

चौथो, एक मधेस दो प्रदेश मा जाने हो भने झापा, मोरंग, सुनसरी, चितवन, कैलाली, कंचनपुर का खस हिंसा मा ओर्लिन्छन् भन्ने चेतावनी ले के संकेत गरेको हो? सीमांकन बारे आफ्नो असहमति व्यक्त गर्न मधेसी ले अहिंसात्मक आंदोलन गर्ने, खस ले हिंसाको चेतावनी दिनुपर्ने कारण के हो?


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