In The News (44)



सात सालयता कुन जातिबाट कति भए प्रधानमन्त्री ? (मोहनशमशेर राणादेखि केपी ओलीसम्म)
भारतीय संस्थापन पक्षको चर्को रोकावटका बाबजुद नेकपा (एमाले)का अध्यक्ष केपी ओली प्रधानमन्त्रीमा निर्वाचित भए । ३८औँ प्रधानमन्त्रीको रुपमा हिजो निर्वाचित भएका ओली देशको १८औँ ‘बाहुन प्रधानमन्त्री’ बनेका छन् । .... २००७ सालको प्रजातान्त्रिक आन्दोलनपछि जनताका छोराछोरीले पनि प्रधानमन्त्री बन्न पाउने व्यवस्थाअनुसार ओली ‘जैसी/कुमाई बाहुन’को तर्फबाट प्रधानमन्त्री हुने पहिलो व्यक्ति हुन् । ... नेपालमा अहिलेसम्म बाहुन–क्षेत्रीबाहेक एक जना नेवार र एक दशनामीले मात्र प्रधानमन्त्री बन्ने अबसर पाएका छन् । ..... २०४६ सालदेखि यता करिब करिब बाहुनबाहेक अन्य समुदायबाट प्रधानमन्त्री बन्न सकेका छैनन् । राजतन्त्र सक्रिय हुँदा भने प्रधानमन्त्रीमा क्षत्रीको प्रभुत्व देखिएको छ । पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको ‘दिव्योपदेश’मा बाहुनलाई दरबारमा पैठ नदिनू भन्ने अर्तिका कारण राजतन्त्रकालमा बाहुन जातिबाट प्रधानमन्त्री कम भएका हुन् । .... २०४६ सालपछिका २६ वर्षमा २० पटक प्रधानमन्त्री फेरिएका छन् । त्यसमा पञ्चायत कालमै प्रधानमन्त्री बनिसकेका सूर्यबहादुर थापा, लोकेन्द्रबहादुर चन्द दुई/दुई पटक प्रधानमन्त्री बनेका छन् । अपवादमा शेरबहादुर देउवा तीन पटक अर्थात् २६ पटक प्रधानमन्त्री फेरिँदा ७ पटक क्षेत्री प्रधानमन्त्री बनेका छन् । त्यसबाहेक १९ पटक बाहुन प्रधानमन्त्री बनेका छन् । ..... राजतन्त्रका लागि क्षेत्री नै पहिलो रोजाइ बनेको देखिन्छ । ...

प्रधानमन्त्री ओलीको व्याख्याअनुसार तराईको हुलाकी सडकभरि लाखौं जनसमुदाय उतारेर ‘माखेसाङ्लो’ बनाउने मधेशी समुदायबाट अहिलेसम्म एक जना पनि प्रधानमन्त्री बन्न सकेका छैनन् । यता आन्दोलनको नाममा ‘माकाफुइँ’ (बाँदरे फूर्ति देखाउने) ‘तिघ्रे’ जनजातिबाट २०४६ सालदेखि यता प्रधानमन्त्रीको उम्मेदवारसमेत कोही देखिएका छैनन् ।

कोइरालालाई देखाउदै ‘रअ’का पूर्व प्रमुखसँग ओलीको बालकोटमा साठगाठ
पत्रकार लगायतका अन्य जाशुरी निकायले कोइराला निवास र भारतीय दुतावास लैनचौरमा आखा लगाईरहेका बेला रअले भने बालकोटमा बसेर चलखेल गरेको बुझिएको छ ।
यस्तो छ ओलीको जीवनचित्रः गरिब पृष्ठभूमी र कम पढेका प्रधानमन्त्री
चौंध वर्षको कारावासमा पंचायती प्रशासनले ओलीलाई नौं पटक विभिन्न जेलमा सारेको थियो ...... ‘बयलगाड चढेर अमेरिका पुग्नु र यो आन्दोलनले गणतन्त्र ल्याउनु एकै हो।’ ..... शान्तिप्रकृया सुरु भएयता दश वर्ष ओली माओवादी (हालको एमाओवादी सहित) का कट्टर आलोचक थिए। तिख्खर ढंगले माओवादीको आलोचना गर्ने शैलीले उनको आम लोकप्रियता बढायो। ...... उनी आठ वर्षदेखि मृगौंला रोगसँग लड्दै आएका छन्। ..... ओलीको राजनीतिक व्यक्तित्व दुईवर्षदेखि झनै चुचुरोतिर लागिरहेको छ। .... नेपाल पक्षले पार्टी संगठनमा बाहुवलीहरुलाई संरक्षण, विदेशी शक्तिसँग बढि हिमचिम, शारिरिक दुर्बलता लगायत आरोप लगाए। त्यसले पुरापुर काम गरेन। ओली निर्वाचित भए। .....

मुलुकको इतिहासमा ओली सम्भवत: सबैभन्दा विपन्न पृष्ठभूमीबाट आएर मुलुकको सर्वोच्च कार्यकारी पदमा पुगेका व्यक्ति हुन्।

..... आमा गुमाएर टुहुरो भएका उनले वाल्यकालदेखि नै विषम परिस्थितीको सामना गर्न सिकेका थिए। झापामा भएको अलिकति खेती पनि बाढीले बगाएपछि ओली परिवारिँग छुट्टिएर किशोर अवस्थामा कम्युनिष्ट नेता रामनाथ दाहालको आश्रयमा बसेका थिए।
जेल जीवन: लगातार १४ वर्ष
पंचायती प्रशासनले जेलजीवनका क्रममा केपी ओलीलाई नौं पटक ठाउँसारी गरेको थियो। जुन निम्नानुसार छ:
२०३० मंसीरदेखि २०३२ वैशाख: सेन्ट्रल जेल गोलघर
२०३२ वैशाख: नख्खु
०३३ मंसीरदेखि २०३६ जेठ: केन्द्रीय कारागार गोलघर
२०३६ जेठदेखि २०३७ चैत: केन्द्रीय कारागार
२०३७ चैतदेखि २०३९ माघ: नख्खु जेल
२०३९ माघदेखि २०४२ कात्तिक: पोखरा
२०४२ कात्तिकदेखि २०४३ मंसीर: स्याङ्जा जेल
२०४३ मंसीरदेखि २०४३ माघ: हनुमानढोका
२०४३ माघदेखि २०४४ असार: भद्रगोल जेल


प्रधानमन्त्री केपी ओलीको वीरगन्जमा पुत्ला दहन
विराटनगर भन्सार खुल्यो, मालवाहक गाडीहरू धमाधम नेपाल भित्रदै
Nepal, India and Madhesis: all need a course correction
Kathmandu must address the issues raised by Madhesi agitators .... Madhesis should not piggyback on India .... The root of the crisis lies in Kathmandu, where the leaders of dominant ruling parties have frustrated the constitutional aspirations of marginalized Madhesis, janjatis and even women. ..... The third player is India, which allegedly has come out in support of the agitation, facilitating disruption in the flow of supplies, resulting in serious difficulties for the ordinary Nepalese. India wants Kathmandu to move fast to accommodate Madhes's constitutional concerns. If it does not happen now, it could as well be never. ...... A constitutional amendment Bill has been drafted to accommodate demands for proportional representation in state organs and population-based electoral constituencies...... The question of provincial boundaries, including those for the five controversial Terai districts, needs to be addressed. ..... Both King Mahendra and King Birendra tried to counter-balance India by inviting other powers and unleashing an anti-India nationalism. Every one knows the fate of their endeavours.......

India has never taken such a strident stand in favour of Madhes in the past.

..... How come the leaders and parties India has been supporting and cultivating for decades could not be persuaded on constitutional issues? ..... How come some of these leaders have been found to be more amenable to persuasion by other countries than India? ......

Now that Kathmandu has taken the first step, India should nudge Madhes also towards compromise and adjustment, while helping resolve Nepal's supplies situation.

..... India knows that the Madhesi leadership is fragmented and weak. It is opportunistic and power hungry. It did not assert itself for the cause of the Madhesi people even when having a share in power after 2008. ..... Any success that it secures by riding on India's back may not last - Recall the thirteenth constitutional amendment forced by India on Colombo in 1987 to accommodate the Tamils still remains to be implemented satisfactorily. .... Madhes in fact badly needs a new and dynamic leadership to carve out its rightful place in Nepal's emerging order.
Madhesi unrest to ties with India, PM Oli has an uphill task
There is a new constitution, but it is deeply contested. A mass movement across the plains has paralysed life for over

55 days.

Key social groups like Madhesis and Tharus have not owned the constitution, and seek a substantial review of its provisions. ......... Relations with India, Nepal’s most important neighbour, have hit rock-bottom. Delhi did not welcome the constitution, and supplies across the border are disrupted. India feels that if there is discontent among a large section of the Tarai population, the ensuing instability will have political-security implications across the border. .....

Oli has also played the ultra-nationalism card directed at India. This is ironical because he was once the favorite of the Indian establishment.

He has told interlocutors in private that he is opposed to the creation of two provinces in the Tarai because India would ‘control’ these provinces and use it to generate pressure on Kathmandu. ....... Oli’s coming together with Maoist chairman Prachanda and the royalist right leader, Kamal Thapa, signifies the alliance of the far-left and far-right of Nepali politics, which has traditionally been united under the rubric of an anti-Madhes, and anti-India agenda. ..... the man who has created the rift between Kathmandu and Tarai and Kathmandu and Delhi relationship will now have to resolve it. ..... Oli has two choices. He can either remain the man he was before taking over. The Madhesi street will continue to burn, and the movement will intensify even more. Delhi may officially welcome his election, but the chill and indifference will persist, which will make governing Nepal increasingly difficult. The post earthquake reconstruction task will continue to be relegated to the back-burner, and suffering will increase....... Or he can let power moderate his instincts, reach out to the Tarai, enable the passage of amendments related to Madhesi inclusion and representation, become flexible on the question of federal demarcation, and carve out a new contract with Madhesis and Tharus. If he improves the domestic political equilibrium, the dynamics with Delhi will also improve.
Modi’s global image under threat by the rise of an intolerant India
वीरगंजको नेवार समुदायद्वारा मधेश आन्दोलनमा ऐक्यबद्धता
जनकपुरमा आन्दोलन जारी, विपन्नका लागी शिविर सञ्चालनमा



Big brother’s blockade
Can a sovereign parliament, after having passed such a vote, be expected to yield to overt outside pressure? Modi’s neighbourhood policy is about to suffer a mortal blow — if it has not already.
Memories of 1989 are flooding back as people are faced with six kilometre-long queues for petrol and medicines, LPG and other essentials. Detailed accounts of Indian custom officials abandoning their posts out of fear of life and limb are doing the rounds in Nepal. Apparently, oil tankers were also not plying for the same reason. ...... The number of vehicles in Nepal is nearly 100 times that in 1989, and so the collateral damage and resentment against India will be greater. Even third-country imports into Nepal via India are now blocked, unlike in 1989. ..... India’s support of the movement led by a few defeated leaders in the Terai is puzzling. Of the 116 members from that region in the Constituent Assembly, nearly 100 had voted in favour of the constitution. ...... Those who are leading the current agitation — Rajendra Mahato, Anil Jha, Upendra Yadav, Mahant Thakur — lost the elections and do not represent the majority of Madhesis. Do we really want to be seen as championing the cause of these discredited leaders? Our agencies’ calculations that these leaders have influence over the Bihar electorate are simply wrong. ...... Of the nearly 15 million Nepalese who live in the Terai, only 30-32 per cent are Madhesis. Tharus are another 10-12 per cent. The remaining are Paharis and Janajatis, who migrated to the Terai in search of a livelihood. Why has Delhi chosen to be supportive of a small section of the Terai population acting out of selfish interests? “One Madhes, one pradesh” will never work, as it would be a 500 mile by 20 mile province in which the upper Madhesi castes would rule the roost to the detriment of the majority Doms, Musahars, Tharus and Muslims. .......

First, population, not geographical area, should determine the size of constituencies. Second, Morang should be included in province number two, so that Madhesis are not outvoted. Third, the demand of Tharus to carve out a province in the region from Kailali to Nawalparasi in western Nepal, without the six hill districts, needs consideration. Fourth, the retrograde provisions on Nepalese women must be withdrawn.

Why the Madhesi people revolted in Nepal
The Madhesis are yearning for federalism, and autonomy - away from the high caste hill elites’ centralized state structure. They want inclusion in the state organs, proportional representation in the power structure of Nepal through political devolution rather than mere decentralization. They aspire for inclusive citizenship, social justice and dignity of Madhesis in Nepal by doing away with the exclusionary definition of Nepali nationalism to include everyone in the mainstream of Nepal...... The feeling of betrayal is strong among the Madhesis ....... there is a deep-down perception at the ground among Madhesis of being treated as subjects of “internal colonialism” in Nepal, where the central state extracts the resources from the Madhes-populated plains and treats its people as second-class citizens, depriving them of adequate political power and rights. Moreover, Madhesis maintain the discrimination against them is mainly due to their cultural, language, race and regional affinity with neighboring India. For instance, during the time of Madhes revolt in 2007 and 2008, murals all over Nepal displayed, “Say with pride I am Madhesi, not a traitor but a son of a soil”. The prevailing feeling of Nepali nationalism towards Madhesis has been derogatory. Prejudices were reinforced, including by rather offensive racial remarks, during the peak of constitution-making in Nepal by the conservative leaders, which was tantamount to pushing their own people to the doors of neighbors to fight for their rights and dignity. This has led to further deterioration of the situation at ground level in Madhes/Tarai. This has more damningly put paid to the Madhesis’ confidence of ensuring their rights in the new constitution....... Nepal never united emotionally at the people-to-people level but only physically.

There exists ultra-nationalist jingoism among the hill elites coterie, who are unable to conceive of the ideal of ‘unity in diversity’

........ What has triumphed in Nepal is ultra-nationalism with arrogance that is premised on discrimination, subjugation, racism and second-class citizenship that Madhesis have been suffering historically.
Nepal Elects K.P. Sharma Oli as New Prime Minister
Oli has articulated a tougher line toward India, telling the Indo-Asian News Service that “we are very concerned with the cracks in the relationship that are visible.” He is also seen as less sympathetic toward the Madhesi parties agitating for revisions to the Constitution...... “Somebody in New Delhi seems to have thought that Nepal is a client state, but they have been forced to think otherwise,” he said. He said he was encouraged to hear that Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India called Mr. Oli to congratulate him “immediately, minutes after the vote.” ..... Indian officials have denied ordering a blockade, saying the protests by Madhesis were disrupting trade. Nevertheless, restoring fuel supplies will confront Mr. Oli with an urgent challenge, since many Nepalese hope to travel home this month for Dashain, the biggest annual festival for the country’s Hindus. ..... As a young man, Mr. Oli served 14 years in prison for participating in underground activism against one-party rule and feudalism in Nepal, which was then a monarchy. He was released in 1987, when the king relaxed restrictions on political activities.

जसरी गीरीजा प्रसाद कोईराला ले भारतमा र जंगलमा बसेका माओबादीलाई देश र शहरमा ल्याउन सफल हुनु भयो थियो त्यसै गरी ने का सभाप...
Posted by Pramod Sitaula on Monday, October 12, 2015

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